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Analyzing Word Association Test: Democracy & China Responses in Mainland China & Hong Kong, Schemes and Mind Maps of Political Science

A study using Word Association Tests (WATs) to analyze responses from mainland Chinese and Hong Kong participants regarding the concepts of democracy and China. The study compares response patterns, non-response rates, and latency times between the two groups. The data includes a vector of words provided by respondents for each cue word, and the analysis focuses on the probability of responding with a particular word given a specific cue word.

What you will learn

  • What is the purpose of the Word Association Tests (WATs) in the study?
  • How does the study determine the probability of responding with a particular word given a specific cue word?
  • How do response patterns differ between mainland Chinese and Hong Kong participants for the democracy and China cues?
  • What is the significance of non-response rates and latency times in the study?
  • What are some of the most common response words for the democracy and China cues in mainland China and Hong Kong?

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Word Association Tests for Political Science
[This version: March 15, 2022]
Ze HanNaijia LiuRory Truex§
Abstract
The standard practice to measuring political attitudes is to ask survey respon-
dents to map their feelings onto a quantitative scale determined by the researcher.
This approach, while widespread, suffers from a number of well-known problems.
Such questions can be cognitively demanding, scales are different across cultures
and even individuals of the same culture, and complex attitudes are reduced to
a single number. In this paper, we advance the use of Word Association Tests
(WATs), where respondents are presented a series of cue words and asked to
provide other words that come to mind as quickly as possible. This approach
more directly maps to how attitudes actually operate in the human mind, and it
provides a richer set of data than a standard survey question. The paper develops
and demonstrates the utility of WATs through an analysis of Chinese citizens’
attitudes towards the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
Keywords: survey; public opinion; sensitive questions; Word Association Test;
China; Chinese Communist Party
Word Count: 9873
Ph.D. Student, Department of Politics, Princeton University. zeh@princeton.edu.
Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. naijial@princeton.edu.
§Assistant Professor of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University.
rtruex@princeton.edu. This material is based upon work supported by the Department
of Politics, the School of Public and International Affairs, and the Paul and Marcia Wythes
Center on Contemporary China at Princeton University. Our gratitude goes to Quentin
Beazer, Dan Corstange, Simon de Deyne, Michelle Dion, Yue Hou, Kimuli Kisara, John
Marshall, Andrew Nathan, Margaret Roberts, Arturas Rozenas, Arthur Spirling, Yiqing
Xu and participants in seminars and panels at Columbia University, New York University,
APSA and the PolMeth 2021 Summer Meeting. Any remaining errors are our own.
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Download Analyzing Word Association Test: Democracy & China Responses in Mainland China & Hong Kong and more Schemes and Mind Maps Political Science in PDF only on Docsity!

Word Association Tests for Political Science

[This version: March 15, 2022]

Ze Han†^ Naijia Liu‡^ Rory Truex§

Abstract The standard practice to measuring political attitudes is to ask survey respon- dents to map their feelings onto a quantitative scale determined by the researcher. This approach, while widespread, suffers from a number of well-known problems. Such questions can be cognitively demanding, scales are different across cultures and even individuals of the same culture, and complex attitudes are reduced to a single number. In this paper, we advance the use of Word Association Tests (WATs), where respondents are presented a series of cue words and asked to provide other words that come to mind as quickly as possible. This approach more directly maps to how attitudes actually operate in the human mind, and it provides a richer set of data than a standard survey question. The paper develops and demonstrates the utility of WATs through an analysis of Chinese citizens’ attitudes towards the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Keywords: survey; public opinion; sensitive questions; Word Association Test; China; Chinese Communist Party

Word Count: 9873

†Ph.D. Student, Department of Politics, Princeton University. zeh@princeton.edu. ‡Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. naijial@princeton.edu. §Assistant Professor of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University. rtruex@princeton.edu. This material is based upon work supported by the Department of Politics, the School of Public and International Affairs, and the Paul and Marcia Wythes Center on Contemporary China at Princeton University. Our gratitude goes to Quentin Beazer, Dan Corstange, Simon de Deyne, Michelle Dion, Yue Hou, Kimuli Kisara, John Marshall, Andrew Nathan, Margaret Roberts, Arturas Rozenas, Arthur Spirling, Yiqing Xu and participants in seminars and panels at Columbia University, New York University, APSA and the PolMeth 2021 Summer Meeting. Any remaining errors are our own.

The standard practice to measuring political attitudes is to ask survey respondents to map their feelings into a quantitative scale determined by the researcher. Consider the following question commonly used in the study of Chinese politics (Lu and Dickson 2020; Ratigan and Rabin 2020; Shen and Truex 2021):

On a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 meaning very satisfied and 1 meaning not satisfied at all, how satisfied are you with the work of the following? a. Central government officials

Respondents are meant to take their feelings about the central government, reduce them down to a single number, and report that number back faithfully to the researcher. This question format is commonplace in the discipline. In American politics, researchers analyze “feeling thermometer” questions from the American National Election Studies (ANES) that require respondents to assess political figures on a 101-point scale (Hetherington 1998; Winter and Berinsky 1999). Scholars of international relations employ similar measures of citizens’ attitudes towards foreign countries (Gries et al. 2020). In the past five years (2017-2021), 162 articles in the American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, and Journal of Politics have featured an analysis of survey data that measures political attitudes using quantitative scales. This represents roughly 15% of the articles in the top general interest journals in the field.^1 Anyone who has taken a survey knows that the standard approach suffers from a number of problems. Such questions can be cognitively demanding. We might not have well-defined attitudes on every topic, and even if we did, placing those beliefs into a single quantitative dimension can feel arbitrary (Berinsky 1999, 2004; Berinsky and Tucker 2006). Scales are different for different people, and this can make comparison difficult (Brady 1985; King et al. 2004). Perhaps most importantly, we lose a lot of information when we ask people to reduce their attitudes to a single number or response. (^1) This calculation does not include short articles, letters, or book reviews.

Substantively, our interest diverges from typical WATs that aim to explore how word meaning or semantic information in general is stored in memory (Anisfeld and Deese 1967; McRae et al. 2005; Vinson and Vigliocco 2008). We construct a WAT to measure attitudes towards the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among Chinese citizens (in mainland China and Hong Kong. The aim of this paper is more methodological than substantive. Our goal is to show the utility of the WAT approach and provide a “how to” guide that will allow other researchers to use word association in other political contexts.

Attitudes and Memory

Every person possesses a body of preexisting knowledge which is stored in a vast long-term memory. Even though such information might not be front of mind, we have not deleted the knowledge of the color of our first car, or the directions to the movie theater, or the names and actions of our political leaders. When needed or “activated,” these stored pieces of information are moved into working memory, where it can be used for conscious thinking and reasoning (Anderson 1983; Collins and Loftus 1975). The space in our working memories are quite small – about 7 (plus or minus 2) bits of information (Miller 1956). Long term memory, in contrast, is thought to be essentially limitless (Lodge and Taber 2013). Much of what we “know” might lie outside of our conscious awareness for long periods of time, and we might not even know we know it. Memories are stored in a vast array of networked associations. Each piece of information is linked to countless other pieces of information, which are in turn linked to countless other pieces of information. When a concept is activated by some external stimulus, other linked pieces of information may be activated as well (Anderson 1983; Collins and Loftus 1975). For example, the concept of graduate school might bring the following related concepts quickly to mind: problem sets, comprehensive exams, job market, paper, job talk, seminar, carrel, desk, code, professor. One can do this for effectively every concept in memory. We can visualize this idea with a mental map, where concepts in memory are drawn with

Figure 1: Example of “Mental Map”

Obama

Jeremiah Wright

Liberals

Oil Spill

Corrupt

Immigration

War in Iraq

Health Care Reform

Wall Street Bailout

Smart

Republican^ Vote

Democra^ Votet

Republicans Angry

Americans^ African

Democrats

+

_

+ + _ _

_ _

_

+

_

_

_

_

+ +

links to each other that represent associations. Figure 1, which is reproduced and amended slightly from Lodge and Taber (2013), shows the cognitive structure of a hypothetical Ameri- can citizen approaching the 2012 election. Different types of memory objects are denoted with different shapes, and the lines between the objects denote associations of varying strength. The memory objects are tagged with either a positive or negative affect. Figure 1 shows a mental map of a hypothetical Republican voter with negative associations with Barack Obama. Our memories are an exceedingly complex web of information, and even representing just a few concepts and links on paper can quickly get unwieldy. Note that all figures of this nature

  • including the co-occurrence network that we will present in this paper – are incomplete. Each concept in memory is linked to still more concepts, which are in turn linked to other concepts, creating an effectively infinite network. And while it may not be possible to collect the full network, we can do better than standard survey questions, which reduce all of these

categories or word classes (Johnson et al. 2012; Malek-Ahmadi, Small and Raj 2011; Ross et al. 2007). In “free” WATs, respondents can provide whatever word comes to mind (de An- drade et al. 2016; Judacewski et al. 2019; Rojas-Rivas et al. 2018). In “continuous” WATs, the cue word is presented to the subject only once, and she is asked to give as many associ- ations as possible in a pre-specified period of time (Brown and Ogle 1966, Matthews 1967, Silverstein and Harrow 1982, Silverstein and Chaifetz 1984). In “successive” WATs, the list of stimulus words is presented several times, often with the goal of measuring the stability of the subject’s responses (Pons and Baudet 1979, Pons et al. 1986, Rosen and Russell 1957). We know that with traditional survey questions, minor differences in question wording can make a big difference in outcomes. Some questions are too restrictive, while others are not constrained enough and include vague words and phrases that make responding difficult (Tourangeau, Rips and Rasinski 2000). WATs rarely include grammatical ambiguity and complicated syntax, and respondents can interpret the prompt relatively easily. WATs also do not involve quantitative scales of any kind and avoid the known issues of such questions

  • scale label effects, response contraction bias, and reference point effects, among others (Krosnick 1991; Roberts et al. 2014; Tourangeau, Rips and Rasinski 2000). This is not to say WATs do not present their own methodological challenges. Throughout the paper we flag challenges and potential solutions based on our experience designing and using the WAT for this project.

Research Design

We administered two WATs designed to measure Chinese citizens attitudes towards the Chi- nese Communist Party. The first (“Study 1”) was administered on March 9-10, 2020 to a sample of 1,189 Chinese citizens in mainland China, of whom 616 (51.81%) identified as female and 573 (48.19%) identified as male. The mean age was 36.9 years (SD ≈ 11.19). The second (“Study 2”) was administered on May 21-June 10, 2020 to a sample of 1, Hong Kong residents of Chinese ethnicity, of whom 568 (55.74%) identified as female and 450

(44.16%) identified as male. The mean age was 37.19 years (SD ≈ 11.29). Both studies were administered online in partnership with a local Chinese marketing com- pany. All respondents were over the age of 18 and had to take the survey on a laptop/desktop computer. Apart from slight differences in the demographic and political attitude questions, the two surveys were identical, to facilitate a comparison between Hong Kong and mainland China. The Supporting Information provides the full questionnaire. After a standard set of demographic questions, each participant completed a short WAT designed to take about six minutes. The instructions said that a cue word would appear on the screen and told the respondent that she would have 20 seconds to type all words that came to mind. Each participant was presented with a list of 18 cue words. This is considered a “free” and “continuous” WAT – there were no restrictions placed on response words, and each cue word appeared only once. Some of the design decisions for our WAT merit further discussion. We wanted to give respondents enough time to provide multiple words in response to the cue word, but still limit the time such that the spontaneity and automaticity of the exercise was maintained. For example, if each cue word had a time limit of one minute, this would give respondents enough time to think through their responses and perhaps self-censor on more sensitive items. But if trials were restricted in five seconds, we might get only one word responses, or perhaps no responses at all. Relatedly, there is a question of how many cue words to include in a WAT. The more cue words, the more data to analyze, but the more likely the task would induce fatigue among respondents. After interviews with participants that piloted the survey, we felt that 20 seconds and 18 cue words were appropriate for our survey context. The number of cue words and the time for each trial are in line with best practices in various fields (De Deyne and Storms 2008; De Deyne, Navarro and Storms 2013; De Deyne et al. 2019; Gulacar et al. 2015; Li and Wang 2016; Vivas et al. 2019). A second issue is what words to include among the cue words. To start with, we identified a set of “core” cue words that were the substantive focus of the study. We wanted to learn how

in the Supporting Information. For each respondent i and cue word c, the data include a vector of words Wic that the respondent inputted as associating with the cue word. This vector varies in length across respondents and across words, which will we use as a variable, countic. Our core substantive analysis will focus on a simple associative strength measure, p(r|c), which is the probability of responding with word r when given word c as a cue (De Deyne et al. 2019). The data also includes two latency measures for each trial, latency.f irstclickic and latency.submitic. The former represents the time it took in seconds for the respondent i to enter their first response for the cue word c. The latter represents the time it took to sub- mit the trial – respondents had the option to submit before the twenty seconds had elapsed.

Analysis

In the remainder of the article, we will focus on showing readers different steps in analyzing WAT data and some of the possibilities for visualization. Where appropriate we will also highlight some of the key substantive findings on public opinion in China.

Step 1: WAT Diagnostics

As with any set of responses to a novel question technique, researchers should first assess how respondents understood the task and identify any patterns or irregularities in the data. We would recommend a close analysis of submission patterns, specifically how long respondents take, how many words they submit, and whether key cue words are outliers on any of these variables. Figure 2 shows a histogram of latency.submit for all respondents I across the full set of cue words J for the two studies. We see a bimodal distribution – nearly identical across the mainland China and Hong Kong samples – with peaks around 5.5 and 20 seconds. This suggests that respondents participated in the WAT in different ways. Most respondents followed the directions and took the full 20 seconds per trial, while others clicked submit

much earlier.

Figure 2: Histogram of Submission Latency for All Trials

0

2000

4000

6000

0 5 10 15 20 Latency − Trial Submission (seconds)

Count

Study 1 − Mainland China

0

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

0 5 10 15 20 Latency − Trial Submission (seconds)

Count

Study 2 − Hong Kong

Note: Figure shows the histogram of the latency in seconds for the time it took a trial to be submitted. The allotted time was 20 seconds.

Not surprisingly, the time to submission was systematically related to the number of response words provided. Respondents that took the full 20 seconds provided an average of 3.682 (Study 1) and 3.240 (Study 2) response words in the mainland and Hong Kong samples, respectively. Respondents that took less than 10 seconds provided an average of 0.932 (Study

  1. and 1.125 (Study 2) words in response. This type of behavior is probably unavoidable given the nature of online surveys, where respondents often seek to work through surveys quickly to receive the cash payment. One alternative approach would have been to make the 20 seconds mandatory for all respondents
  • to not let respondents advance to the next trial until 20 seconds elapsed. We chose not to do this because we feared that this would annoy some respondents and create an attri- tion problem. As constructed, our WAT follows the recommendations of Salganik (2019), a “greedy” but not burdensome survey that allows respondents to provide varying amounts of

level. Figure 3 shows a histogram of the total number of nonresponses per respondent for the 18 WAT trials. We observe some respondents did not appear to take the WAT portion of the survey seriously at all. In mainland China, roughly 20.4% of respondents provided no answers to more than 50% of the WAT trials. In Hong Kong, about 5.4% of respondents showed that behavior pattern. Some level of item non-response to WAT cue words is understandable – respondents might not know a particular word, or they might struggle to come up with a response in the allotted time. But that level of non-response indicates “speeder” behavior. This data was unusable and will be excluded from the remainder of the analysis.^4 Note that the issue of repeated item non-response affects most online surveys, and it does not appear as though our survey was particularly vulnerable to the problem. In Figures 4 and SI1 in the Supporting Information, we also consider response patterns by trial number, which allows us to assess whether respondents changed how they took the WAT as they progressed through the 18 trials. In both Hong Kong and mainland China, nonresponse rates increased, time to provide the first response shortened, and submission times were faster for later trials. For the first half of trials, respondents in Study 1 provided an average of about 2.54 tokens. By the second half, they provided about 2.44. This difference is not large but suggests researchers should be careful in constructing longer WATs, as there begin to be some costs in data quality. Shorter WATs, in the territory of 10 to 12 trials, might be more successful.

(^4) A related issue which analysts should check for is “matching behavior,” whereby the respon- dents simply inputs the cue word as the response word. This indicates a misunderstanding of the task. Roughly 2.1% of trials (442 in total) in mainland China had a matching response, and 5.4% of trials (995 in total) in the Hong Kong study were matching responses. These trials were excluded from the analysis.

Figure 4: Performance Diagnostics by Trial Number (Study 1 - Mainland China)

(^1 2 3 4 5 6 7) Trial Number 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Nonresponse Rate

Nonresponse Rate

(^1 2 3 4 5 6 7) Trial Number 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Count (mean)

Tokens Provided

(^1 2 3 4 5 6 7) Trial Number 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Latency − First Click (mean)

Time to First Click

10

11

12

13

14

15

(^1 2 3 4 5 6 7) Trial Number 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Latency − Submission (mean)

Time to Submission

Note: Figure shows the mean nonresponse rate, latency to submission, and tokens provided by the trial order number. Data is from Study 1, and is filtered to exclude respondents that engaged in “speeder” behavior (non-responses to more than 50% of trials).

Our hope in constructing this survey is that the WAT technique reduces the sensitivity of assessing attitudes towards actors like the CCP or Chinese government (Ratigan and Rabin 2020, Shen and Truex 2021).^5 One way to assess this is to compare the latency, count, and nonresponse measures for all the words included in the WAT. If a question item is sensitive, we would expect respondents to pause slightly longer before answering, and perhaps provide fewer associated words as a result. We might also see higher rates of non-response (Ratigan (^5) We believe WATs hav potential as a sensitive question technique. Experiments have shown that WAT participants tend to provide the first word in their mental lexicon, rather than deliberate or strategic responses (Playfoot et al. 2018).

Figure 5: Non-response Rates for All Cue Words (Study 1 - Mainland China)

motherpartyinsist

marriagelawyercoffee performancebirthdayChina

young ladynot badoffice

understandwifems.

encounterideasir meaningownfind

schooldanceenter

abandonabilityCCP

successrejoicecare

governmentsolutionfeel simplesurelyme

central governmentsurgeryreal

elder brothergoallife existencesoundkid

systembodysee choicehappyfinally

democracyuniversitylucky suggestionbelievefear

phonecrimedate

yesterdayhandleagain

experiencealwaysreason

programjust nowvote normalhumanyoung

freedombehindkey

recordingknowmind pleasebeforejust

last nightdudechild nervousreturnabove

troubledamnpain

appearancecontinuecontrol

excuse mego backsupport on the bodyneverbutt

part

0.00 0.05 (^) Nonresponse Rate0.10 0.

Term

Note: Figure shows the non-response rates for all cue words presented in the WAT. Data is from Study 1 (Mainland China) and is filtered to exclude respondents that engaged in “speeder” behavior (non-responses to more than 50% of trials). Core cue words are shown in blue. Note that all respondents saw these words, which is why the point estimates have smaller confidence intervals than the other words.

Table 1: Determinants of Response Patterns (Study 1 - Mainland China)

Outcome nonresponse latency.submit count (1) (2) (3) cue: CCP -0.013 0.633 0. (0.008) (0.233) (0.095) cue: China -0.037 0.037 0. (0.008) (0.233) (0.095) cue: Central Government -0.013 0.484 0. (0.008) (0.233) (0.095) cue: Democracy -0.004 -0.074 -0. (0.008) (0.233) (0.095) cue: Me -0.007 -0.614 0. (0.008) (0.234) (0.094) female 0.008 0.157 0. (0.003) (0.107) (0.043) age 0.003 -0.049 -0. (0.000) (0.006) (0.002) minority 0.027 -1.802 -0. (0.011) (0.335) (0.138) lowed 0.065 -1.791 -0. (0.004) (0.133) (0.054) rural -0.018 0.968 0. (0.005) (0.154) (0.062) ccp -0.001 0.569 0. (0.004) (0.123) (0.050) n 15,172 15,172 15, Note: Table shows regressions of WAT metadata on demographic co- variates and cue word indicators. The non core cue words represent theexcluded category. Data is from Study 1, and is filtered to exclude re- spondents that engaged in “speeder” behavior (non-responses to more than 60% of trials) or provided no responses or matched responses to- wards the cue. Data is organized on the trial level. All models estimated using OLS. Standard errors shown in parentheses.

more diverse set of answers to the political cue words. This tells us something about the diversity of political thought in Hong Kong relative to the mainland.

Step 2: Frequency Analysis and Subgroup Comparisons

The natural next step for a WAT analysis is to consider the frequencies and associative strength p(r|c) measure of different response words and look for substantive patterns therein. Table 3 shows the most common responses among mainland Chinese respondents (Study

  1. to three cue words of primary interest: central government, CCP, and China. Overall, the roughly 1000 respondents provided 586, 581, and 585 unique words in response to being presented the cues of central government, CCP, and China, respectively. On average respon- dents provided about 2.0 to 3.0 words per cue in the allotted 20 seconds (see Figure SI3 in the Supporting Information). Table 3 shows all response words that were provided by at least 1% of the respondents.^7 We see words that are attitudinal in nature. It is striking how positive the associations are – words like great (伟大), leadership (领导), long live (万岁), excellent (优秀), pretty good (不错), powerful (强大) and trust (信任) feature prominently. We might be tempted to attribute this pattern to preference falsification or self-censorship, but the WAT diagnostics above do not suggest that these terms were overly sensitive. We did not observe respondents taking longer to enter a response, or entering fewer responses, or refusing to enter responses altogether. These results accord with the general consensus in the China field that CCP leaders and the central government enjoy a deep reservoir of political support among the (^7) It is standard practice in WAT studies to clean the responses and filter out some respondents to improve the quality of the data. For example, for the CCP cue word, we first excluded participants that engaged in “speeder” behavior (243 or 20.4% of participants) or provided no responses to the cue (57 or 4.79% of participants). Second, we conducted a series of spell-checks and transformed unequivocal Pinyin and English words into simplified Chinese parallel corpora. This affected 14 responses (0.52%) and 10 responses (0.37%), respectively. Third, we created a list of synonyms and unified the same cluster of responses into a singular form, which involved 42 responses (1.57%). Fourth, we removed matching responses, where the respondent simply provided the cue word as the response. This involved 25 responses (0.93%). This left 2,543 responses (94.86%) from 922 participants (77.54%).

Table 3: Most Common Responses for Regime Cue Words (Study 1 - Mainland China)

Cue Word: Central Government Cue Word: CCP Cue Word: China Note: Table shows most frequent responses for the cue words central government, CCP, and China. Datais from Study 1, and is filtered to exclude respondents that engaged in “speeder” behavior (non-responses

  • country 69 0.074 China 89 0.094 powerful 170 0. Response Freq p(r|c) Response Freq p(r|c) Response Freq p(r|c)
  • leadership 59 0.063 leadership 59 0.062 motherland 91 0.
  • authority 45 0.048 people 51 0.054 great 89 0.
  • CCP 41 0.044 great 51 0.054 country 73 0.
  • people 40 0.043 party member 44 0.047 let’s go 33 0.
  • centralization of authority 36 0.039 ruling party 36 0.038 people 27 0.
  • right 31 0.033 Kuomintang 32 0.034 development 27 0.
  • powerful 30 0.032 Mao Zedong 30 0.032 great power 24 0.
  • China 24 0.026 democracy 30 0.032 prosperity 24 0.
  • management 22 0.024 country 28 0.030 United States 24 0.
  • trust 21 0.023 long live 25 0.026 CCP 23 0.
  • highest 20 0.022 political party 22 0.023 unity 23 0.
  • mechanism 20 0.022 serve the people 21 0.022 history 22 0.
  • policy 16 0.017 socialism 18 0.019 mother 19 0.
  • organ 16 0.017 powerful 17 0.018 pride 17 0.
  • power 16 0.017 red 16 0.017 democracy 16 0.
  • democracy 16 0.017 government 15 0.016 population 15 0.
  • Beijing 15 0.016 in power 14 0.015 home 15 0.
  • implementation 14 0.015 excellent 12 0.013 boom 15 0.
  • State Council 13 0.014 unity 11 0.012 world 14 0.
  • politics 13 0.014 pretty good 10 0.011 economic 14 0.
  • core 13 0.014 support 10 0.011 peace 13 0.
  • concentrated 12 0.013 nationality 13 0.
  • Xi Jinping 11 0.012 patriotic 12 0.
  • great 11 0.012 proud 12 0.
  • correct 11 0.012 long live 11 0.
  • reliable 10 0.011 safety 11 0.
  • force 10 0.011 socialism 11 0.
  • local 10 0.011 red 11 0.
  • rule 10 0.011 Chinese flag 10 0.
    • terrific 10 0.
    • bounteous 10 0.
    • long 10 0.
    • culture 10 0.
    • deep love 10 0.
    • fine 10 0.