TV for Indigenous Children: A Report by Australian Council for Education Research, Exams of Statistics

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Australian Council for Educational Research

July 2010

Using

television

to improve

learning

opportunities

for Indigenous

children

Table of Contents

• 1. Purpose of this report
• 2. Objectives of the television program initiative
• 3. Rationale for a focus on early learning
• 4. Rationale for a focus on Indigenous children
  • a) Current Indigenous education performance
  • b) Qualities of an early learning program for Indigenous children
  • c) Indigenous children’s preschool experiences
  • d) The importance of culturally appropriate programs for Indigenous people
• 5. Rationale for choosing television as a vehicle for improving learning
  • a) Access to and use of television
  • b) Benefits of educational television programs
  • c) Co-viewing
  • d) Indigenous ways of learning
• 6. National imperatives and the timeliness of this initiative
• Conclusion
• References
• Appendix 1: Methodology

parents and caregivers already share a range of activities with their children, including watching television, videos and DVDs. As a visual medium, television is an appropriate educational tool to use with Indigenous children as can be seen from the popularity of existing television programs in New Zealand and Canada with their Indigenous audiences.

This proposal to develop a children’s television program targeting Indigenous children in particular comes at a time when there is strong government support for initiatives aimed at improving educational outcomes for Indigenous children. With the new national curriculum being implemented in 2011, there is an excellent opportunity for the development of high quality educational resources, including a targeted television program, that will assist Indigenous preschool children in the successful transition from home to school, and give them the best possible start to their formal schooling.

The children’s television initiative also offers an excellent opportunity to contribute to existing research on the ways in which a targeted educational program can help improve school readiness for Indigenous children, close the gap on literacy and numeracy, promote learning opportunities for Indigenous families through co-viewing, and enhance the cross-cultural understanding of young children. An evaluation could show the kind of learning that takes place as a result of the program and the long-term impact on Indigenous children of early exposure to a culturally specific television series.

1. Purpose of this report

The purpose of this report is to provide an evidence base for the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) and Australian Children’s Television Foundation (ACTF) proposal to develop a high quality educational television program aimed primarily at Indigenous children aged three to six years. This report is based on a review of the literature associated with early childhood, the learning needs of Indigenous children, and the potential role of television in addressing these needs.

2. Objectives of the television program initiative

There is still a significant gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous young people on a range of educational performance indicators. Noel Pearson (2010) has argued that ‘[t]here is a strategically important prerequisite to closing the gap on literacy and numeracy, and that is school readiness and attendance.You can’t close the gap on literacy and numeracy unless you first close the gap on school readiness and attendance.’

The primary objective of the Indigenous children’s television initiative is to improve school readiness for Indigenous preschool-aged children. School readiness includes the development of foundational literacy and numeracy skills, engagement in learning, and positive attitudes towards education and school.

Another objective is to strengthen the sense of connectedness that Indigenous children feel to their culture and to other Indigenous communities. Indigenous children entering school ‘need to maintain their own culture, identity and self-esteem, as well as to incorporate a new set of cultural values’ (Robinson et al., 2007, p. 16).

A third objective is to provide families and schools with a resource that will promote learning, and encourage interaction around learning, with young children as they view the program. Such a television program could improve learning opportunities for Indigenous caregivers and parents who would be co-viewers with their children.

A fourth objective is to improve the cultural understanding of non-Indigenous children in relation to Indigenous culture. An educational television program that shows cultural diversity can help foster better cross-cultural understanding (Gorn, Goldberg and Kanugo, 1976;Thakkar, Garrison and Christakis, 2006).

3. Rationale for a focus on early learning

‘What and how [children] learn depends upon the nature and quality of the relationships they have with their parents and caregivers, and the richness and variety of the experiences they are provided [with] during their early years.’ (Centre for Community Child Health, 2008).

The importance of early intervention in bringing about better health, social, educational and vocational outcomes is well established. Overseas programs such as the Perry High/Scope Preschool Program, Chicago Child-Parent Centres, Elmira Prenatal/early Infancy Project and other similar programs, which have targeted children in disadvantaged circumstances, show that investment in the early years leads to better health and social outcomes, a smoother transition to school, and better long-term outcomes for disadvantaged children (Hutchins

(Arnold et al., 2006; Robinson et al., 2007; Janus and Offord, 2007). Evidence-based programs that can make a positive difference in these areas help lay the foundations for more positive later outcomes.

Recent studies show that it is not only the child who must be ready for the home-to-school transition but the school itself, the child’s family and the community (McTurk et al., 2008; Farrar et al., 2007). The literature suggests the need for a multi-dimensional approach that helps to build the capacity of children to thrive at school ‘through developmentally appropriate instruction and support and by means that engage not only the child but his or her family’ (Robinson et al., 2007, p. 9).

School readiness for all children means that schools recognise and build on the learning that has already taken place as a result of the child’s interaction with their family and broader community. It means that different cultural and community contexts are taken into account and valued and that a wide range of people are involved in the successful transition from home to school. In the case of Indigenous families, it often means the involvement of elders or other respected community members in the transition process (Dockett and Perry, 2001). ‘Ready schools’ value the skills that Indigenous children bring and recognise the role that families and communities play in supporting a child’s development (McTurk et al., 2008). Social skills are closely tied to Indigenous knowledge and ways of learning (McMahon et al., 2007).

Summary: There is an extensive body of research that shows the critical importance of early childhood in children’s learning and development, including for long-term educational outcomes. Based on this research and contemporary theories about child pedagogy, Australia now has a national Framework to guide educators in developing a foundation for future success in learning. One of the underpinning principles of the Framework is to respect diversity of cultural and linguistic traditions. This means recognising the importance of prior learning, and the role of family and community, in preparing Indigenous children for school. In addition, there are several dimensions that are generally recognised as being fundamental to school readiness, regardless of ethnicity, race or culture.

4. Rationale for a focus on Indigenous children

a) Current Indigenous education performance

The Ministerial Council for Education, Early Childhood Development and Youth Affairs (MCEEDYA) Indigenous Education Action Plan Draft 2010-2014 notes that some gains have been made in recent years in Indigenous student performance, particularly in English literacy, numeracy, and retention to Year 12. However, on a range of indicators, including participation in early childhood education, literacy and numeracy, attendance, retention, and post-school transitions, Indigenous children’s performance in relation to that of their non-Indigenous peers continues to be of concern (MCEEDYA, 2010).

Results from the Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA) indicate that Indigenous students have performed at a significantly lower average level in reading, mathematical and scientific literacy than their non-Indigenous peers across all PISA cycles (De Bortoli and Thomson, 2010). These findings are supported by 2008 and 2009 NAPLAN data, which show that Indigenous student achievement is significantly lower than non-Indigenous students in all areas tested and across all jurisdictions (NAPLAN, 2009). The gap in performance in reading, writing and numeracy becomes worse in later years of school (SCRGSP, 2010). For example, while 75 per cent of Year 3 students performed at or above the national minimum standard in reading for the 2009 NAPLAN tests, only 67 per cent of Year 9 Indigenous students were at or above the national minimum standard (NAPLAN, 2009).

Data collected as part of the Western Australian Aboriginal Child Health Survey indicate that, on average, the academic performance of Indigenous students was lower than that of non-Indigenous students from the first year of schooling, and that this difference widened significantly during the early years of school, making it difficult for Indigenous students to catch up academically (Zubrick et al., 2006).

The second National Assessment Program – ICT Literacy survey, conducted by ACER for the Commonwealth Government in 2008, showed that non-Indigenous students were more than twice as likely as Indigenous students to reach or exceed the proficient standard and that the gap in ICT literacy achievement between non-Indigenous and Indigenous students was greater in 2008 than in 2005 (Ainley, 2010).

Additionally, PISA results in relation to attitudes, engagement, motivation and beliefs show that, compared to non-Indigenous students, Indigenous students reported significantly lower levels of interest and engagement in reading and science, self-efficacy from a general point of view and also in relation to maths and science, and mathematics and science self-concept (De Bortoli and Thomson, 2010). These are important findings as attitudes, engagement, motivation and beliefs can enhance or impede student learning. The report highlights the need for educational environments that foster and encourage self belief and allow Indigenous students to be confident and successful learners.

Even given the problematic nature of school attendance data, such as the lack of consistency in calculating attendance across jurisdictions, research indicates that poor school attendance is a key factor in the gap in academic performance between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students (Zubrick et al., 2006). The 1996 National School English Literacy Survey results, for example, show

whole literacy enterprise’. Such ‘scaffolding’ could help Indigenous children make a successful transition from home to school.

b) Qualities of an early learning program for Indigenous children

The Indigenous Education Action Plan Draft 2010-2014 recognises that ‘participation in culturally inclusive, high quality early childhood development and education programs can assist Indigenous children to get the best start in life’. Such programs:

- promote early engagement with learning - provide a strong foundation for future educational achievement - encourage the social, physical and mental development of children from birth; and - support children in their transition to school.

Sleep-Coleman (cited in Hutchins et al., 2007, p. 33) identifies the following as being fundamental characteristics of culturally appropriate programs for Indigenous children:

- Indigenous terms of reference for time, space, talking together, safety, relationships, family - the philosophy and practices handed down by ancestors to present and future generations - children’s learning and giving and getting messages from others.

Hutchins et al. (2007) note that although these characteristics are fundamental to any quality early childhood program, one obvious difference ‘is the goal to nurture and sustain the Indigenous child’s beliefs regarding the Dreaming and cultural heritage’ (pp. 33-34).

In particular, culturally appropriate early learning and care (p. 47):

- acknowledges the child as strong and autonomous - helps Indigenous children to build a strong identity that is based on their own traditions and values, and non-Indigenous traditions and values - incorporates the child’s extended family and community in their education and care - supports ‘culturally relevant learning environments where children are happy, feel powerful, can make choices, and which allows for their own routines’ - acknowledges the importance of literacy in Indigenous languages and competence in standard English - pays attention to nutrition, health and wellbeing.

c) Indigenous children’s preschool experiences

The data available on Indigenous children’s participation in preschool programs is limited and also varies according to the source, which makes it difficult to draw conclusions about participation rates in preschool, childcare, playgroups or formal education programs. Preschool education is offered in a range of settings, including stand-alone preschools, preschools in schools, long day care centres, family day care services, and mobile preschools in remote communities. The Australian Government also supports culturally specific Indigenous childcare in the form of Multifunctional Aboriginal Children’s Services and Aboriginal Playgroups.

MCEEDYA (2010) reports that, in 2005, only 46 per cent of Indigenous four-year-olds participated in preschool. Other data show that, of those Indigenous three-year-olds who do

attend preschool, 31 per cent are reported to be living in major cities while only 14 per cent of three-year-old Indigenous children attending preschool are reported to be living in very remote areas (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006).

In relation to childcare for children 12 years and under, Australian Bureau of Statistics figures for 2004 show that, of all Indigenous children in Australian Government supported childcare services, 51 per cent were in long day care centres, 16 per cent were in before and/or after school care and nine per cent were in family day care. In 2009, 2.2 per cent of Indigenous children aged from birth to five years participated in Australian Government approved child care services (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008a).

Information has been collected as part of the Longitudinal Study of Indigenous Children (FAHCSIA, 2009b) although the statistics around children’s attendance at preschool, childcare and playgroups are based on a small sample of children. Of the 376 children whose parents/carers participated in Wave 1 of data collection and who reported that their child attended an early childhood education program, most (34 per cent) attended a preschool program in a non-school-based setting. Many parents and caregivers indicated their children attended either pre-year one (or kindergarten) at a school or preschool in a school (30 per cent and 29 per cent respectively).

In relation to childcare, 21 per cent of parents who participated in Wave 1 of data collection indicated that their child attended a childcare or day care facility, two per cent attended family day care and 75 per cent reported their child did not attend any formal childcare service. Twenty-nine per cent of participating parents and caregivers indicated that their child had attended some form of playgroup in the preceding month. Allowing for the limited and incomplete nature of the data, it appears that there is still a significant proportion of young Indigenous children who are not currently attending preschool programs.

Summary: On a range of educational indicators, there is still a significant gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous children. Of particular concern, is that by Year 3 Indigenous children have lower levels of literacy and numeracy than their non-Indigenous peers and that this gap becomes wider as children move through formal schooling. Participation rates in early childhood programs are lower for Indigenous children than for their non-Indigenous peers. Quality programs that promote engagement with learning at an early age, support home-to- school transition, and recognise the importance of cultural awareness are needed to maximise learning opportunities for Indigenous young people and to give them the solid foundation that early childhood research shows can make a difference in long-term outcomes.

d) The importance of culturally appropriate programs for Indigenous people

Overseas research provides some insights into the importance of connectedness to culture in developing a child’s sense of belonging and pride. Ball and Simpkins (2004) examined how Indigenous knowledge was integrated into childcare and their findings have implications for Indigenous knowledge being transmitted through trusted presenters on television. They note the importance of teaching children at a young age their own traditions as well as the traditions of others. Their study of First Nations communities in rural areas of British Columbia highlighted the ways in which Indigenous knowledge has been integrated into early childhood training and practice. They found that Native American children ‘need a careful

all children, a finding supported by other studies. Pihama refers to Morris’s study of Native American children which shows the benefits that could be derived ‘from increased and improved television programming that would portray American Indians and their culture in a positive, or even neutral, manner’.^4 Pihama also notes the lack of research related to Maori children’s television programming.

A longitudinal study (by the New Zealand Council for Educational Research) of more than 100 children in Maori immersion education found that 94 per cent of these children watched Maori television programs and that the Maori program Pukana was the second most popular show with participants in the study (Cooper, 2004).The children said they enjoyed seeing and hearing songs, performances and the Maori language on television, and humorous plays, ‘but importantly, they simply liked seeing Maori things on television’. Cooper suggests Pukana was popular with these the children because they could see their peers – other Maori students or students in Maori immersion schools – on television.

ii) Canada In 1999, the independent Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN) was established and became the first of its kind in the world (Baltruschat, 2003). The APTN gives First Nations, Inuits and Metis peoples an opportunity to share their stories via a national television network. It also provides a source of employment for Aboriginal producers, directors, actors, writers and other media professionals. Eighty-four per cent of APTN programming originates in Canada, with 56 per cent of the programs broadcast in English, 16 per cent in French and 28 per cent in a variety of Aboriginal languages. 5 This multilingual approach is a critical element of APTN, providing an opportunity for Canada’s Indigenous languages to be heard and spoken through television.

One of APTN’s content priorities is ‘to give a strong voice to our children and youth’. Children’s programs in Indigenous languages ‘allow for the continuation of linguistic traditions as new generations are exposed to ancestral voices’ (Baltruschat, 2003, p. 5).

APTN programming themes include: stories of Aboriginal people, journeys reflecting Aboriginal concepts of hope, struggle, historic traditions; celebration of accomplishments; issues important to Aboriginal peoples, and stories that celebrate diverse approaches to spirituality. APTN was the first Aboriginal television network to broadcast live coverage of an Olympic Games, which was done in eight traditional languages.

An analysis of 563 children’s television programs in Canada found that while the majority of human characters on these programs are white Europeans, 52 per cent of programs depicted interactions between people from different cultures and races. Four out of ten children’s programs presented minorities and/or Canadian Aboriginal people and one in four programs stressed ‘friendship with people from other races/cultures’ (Centre for Youth and Media Studies, 2010, p. 13).

Of the programs examined, 59 per cent were animation, 26 per cent were live action, two per cent were puppets and 13 per cent used mixed genres. The study found that programs using primarily animation or puppets scored much lower than those using live action or mixed genres in terms of

4 This quote is taken from Pihama’s literature review (which has no date or page numbers) in the section called Children’s Programming. The quotation comes from Joann Morris, ‘Television Portrayal and the socialization of the American Indian child’, 1982. 5 See http://www.aptn.ca/corporate/about.php (retrieved 17 July 2010).

positive social values. For example, in live action mixture programs, visible minorities were evident in 49 per cent of programs but had less of a presence in animation/puppets.

iii) Australia National Indigenous Television (NITV) was launched in 2007 to develop and produce television content for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people and to commission high quality programming content, particularly from Indigenous contributors. In the original funding announcement, the Australian Government justified establishing NITV on the grounds that: ‘This new funding will support the production and broadcasting of more diverse programming, such as Indigenous news, children’s and drama programs that reflect the breadth of Indigenous communities. Indigenous culture will be presented in a positive light to Indigenous and non-Indigenous viewers’ (Department of the Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts, 2009).^6

As part of its role, NITV is expected to:

- respect Australia’s different Indigenous cultures, heritage and beliefs - increase people’s understanding of, and respect for, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and cultures and their role in Australia’s history and future - promote understanding of the different Australian Indigenous cultures and languages; the preservation of Indigenous languages and the teaching of language to new generations; and the continuing growth of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures - help record and preserve the history and culture of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders - raise awareness of Indigenous cultures from other countries - broadcast programs in English as well as Indigenous languages, so the shows reach the widest possible audience.^7

The initial funding of $48.5m for the first four years of NITV was due to lapse in June 2010 but the Australian Government recently announced a further $15 million to be invested for the next 12 months. The new funding will support the network until a national review into the government’s investment into the Indigenous and media sector can be carried out.

A recent review of NITV by the Australian Government, after three years of operation, found that:

- around 200,000 Indigenous people watch NITV at least once a week - NITV relies heavily on low-cost programs and repeat programming, with around 80 per cent of total air time taken up with repeats - more use could be made of low-cost audience-generated programming.

6 See the NITV Constitution at http://nitv.org.au/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=546&Itemid= (retrieved 20 July 2010). 7 See NITV Content Charter at http://nitv.org.au/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=15&Itemid= (retrieved 19 July 2010).

reported that their child spent either an hour or ‘about an hour’ a day watching television while 24 per cent reported that their child spent two hours a day watching television. Fifteen per cent of participating parents and carers indicated that their child spent three hours a day watching television, 12 per cent reported their child watched television for four hours a day and 13 per cent reported their child watched television for five or more hours a day. When combined with other forms of visual media, in the same study, 98 per cent of parents and carers reported that their child watched television, DVDs or videos.

One of the first studies to examine the type of television programs watched by Australian children (Skouteris & McHardy, 2009) found that children watch informative/educational television on weekdays and television programs with no clear educational purpose on weekends, which is similar to trends reported in the United States (Huston and Wright, 1999).

In examining the changing nature of television programming for young children, Pecora et al. (2007) found that:

- Most children spend more time watching television than engaged in any other discretionary activity - Many children begin watching at an early age, often less than 12 months - Regardless of the age they begin watching television, children learn from it - The amount of time children spend watching television and what they watch both affect learning and behaviour in important ways - ‘If children watch programs that are designed to be educational, they learn what is taught.’

Moses (2009) also notes that children are not passive viewers of television but actively attend to programs and can thus learn from them (Huston and Wright, 1998).

b) Benefits of educational television programs

Studies have shown both positive and negative impacts on children’s development.The negative impacts are generally framed in terms of how much ‘entertainment television’ is being watched by school students to the detriment of school achievement, or what other activities, such as reading, might have been done instead of television viewing (Wylie, 2001; Baydar et al., 2008). The positive impacts found in many studies are generally associated with educational programs that are designed to engage pre-school children and enhance learning outcomes, such as letter recognition or other pre-literacy skills. Many of these studies have been conducted on Sesame Street and the impact on language and other cognitive and social skills gained by preschoolers through viewing Sesame Street is associated with improved grades in secondary school (Baydar et al., 2009).

The Children’s Television Act 1990 defines educational programming as programming that carries content intended to ‘further the positive development of the child in any respect, including … cognitive/intellectual or emotional/social needs’ (Fisch, 2004, p. 8). Skouteris and McHardy (2009) distinguish between ‘child informative’ (educational) programs, ‘child animated’ programs, which have no clear informative purpose, and ‘child entertainment’ programs, which have neither animation nor clear informative purpose. Their study found that children spent more time watching ‘child informative’ television than any other type of children’s programs.

A substantial body of research shows the benefits of television for children. Much of this research has been based on experimental studies in which children view specific programs. Less frequent are studies of children’s learning arising from programs they choose to view (Calvert and Kotler, 2003). Studies show that the impact of viewing educational television may be either direct, through learning specific cognitive or academic skills, or indirect, through motivational processes or modelled behaviours likely to enhance academic performance (Baydar et al., 2008).

Most studies on the benefits of television have found that good educational programming can help improve children’s pre-literacy and literacy skills. (Samuels, 1970; Shapiro, 1975; Singer, 2002; Stipp, 2003; Sutherland, 2004; Hubbard, 2004; Kendeou et al., 2005; Bachrach et al., 2009, 2010; Moses, 2008, 2009; Linebarger et al., 2004; Linebarger and Wainwright, 2006; Linebarger and Piotrowski, 2009). The main types of benefits identified are cognitive skills, school readiness and academic achievement.

In their study of the impact of Plaza Semamo , a Spanish version of Sesame Street , on children aged three to five years in day care centres, Diaz-Guerrero and Holtzman (1974) found that significant gains in cognitive and perceptual areas were made by those children who viewed the program in contrast to those who did not, including even measures of cognitive ability that were ‘seemingly unrelated to the main thrust of the curriculum’ (p. 643).

In other parts of the world, children’s television programs have been used specifically to inform families and preschool children about pressing social issues. For example, Takalani Sesame , a South African version of Sesame Street , teaches families and children about HIV/AIDS through the use of an HIV-positive Muppet character (Wartella and Knell, 2004). An Egyptian co-production of Sesame Street , Alam Simsim , promotes the need for girls’ education through a female Muppet and teaches both Modern Standard Arabic and Egyptian Arabic. 8

From earlier research aimed at determining whether television is bad or good for children generally, the research focus has now shifted to how particular programs affect particular aspects of children’s literacy development (Moses, 2008). For example, Barney and Friends has been found to offer rich literacy experiences for children (Wan, 2000). Sid the Science Kid has been associated with increased science process skills and curiosity among preschool-aged children (Bachrach et al., 2009, 2010). A Sesame Street style Turkish program, Will You Play With Me? , was found to have enhanced school readiness among preschool children with low socioeconomic status (Baydar et al., 2008). A longitudinal study of children who watched Blue’s Clues found the cognitive and social impact on children in the study to be both cumulative and durable (Anderson et al., 2000; Crawley et al, 2002). Preschool children who viewed Super Why! over an eight-week period (that is, at least 20 hours of viewing) demonstrated significant and sustained growth in early literacy skills (Linebarger et al., 2009). Over half of the viewing children reported learning new words from Super Why! and 48 per cent of these children could list the words and phrases learnt.

One children’s television program that has been consistently associated with positive outcomes is Between the Lions , a series targeting four- to seven-year-olds that is partly funded by a Ready to Learn cooperative agreement with the United States Department of Education through the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). The series, with the slogan of ‘Get Wild about Reading’, uses a combination of puppetry, animation and live action to stimulate interest in reading.

8 See http://muppet.wikia.com/wiki/Alam_Simsim (retrieved 20 July 2010).