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Theory of cultural lag and the veblenian contribution, Study notes of Cultural Studies

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The Theory
of Cultural
Lag and the
Veblenian
Contribution
By WILLIAM
P. GLADE
Introduction
THE INTELLECTUAL
FASHION of the times has decreed that in all really
learned
discussions
diagnosing
the ills of modern
society, there must be the
tacit underlying assumption that no matter what specific points the
participants
may bring up to explain their own particular
views, the basic
cause of all social
disturbances and
upheavals
may be adequately
and finally
summed
up in the term, cultural lag (or social lag). Furthermore,
there
is another tacit assumption
that no one will be called upon to explain
seriously
the meaning
of the term; there
is, as it were,
a common
agreement
to keep
it nebulous
and vague, a conspiracy
in restraint
of clarity.
In a like manner,
virtually every book analyzing
the weightier
issues of
the day, whether written for the Tome-of-the-Week club member or for
the more serious
student, pays at least a passing
tribute to this ubiquitous
phrase. But rarely
is there an attempt to explain the concept behind
the
phrase. In common practice the writer will reel off a list of mal-
functioning elements
in our society and then attribute
their cause
to social
lag, letting it go at that. It is difficult to think of a phrase
which has
been
so generally
used with such abandon.
Its popularity
is not hard to understand. There
is something
definitely
appealing
about the idea that there are two elements
or processes
moving
along in more-or-less
the same direction and that all of our troubles
result
from the fact that one moves at a slower speed than the other. The
remedy
then appears
easy-all that remains to be done is to apply
some
sort
of whip to the slower
process! And there are as many "whips"
suggested
as there are
propagandists
and
other writers
on the subject.
The term has even acquired
a strong moral
flavor,
and consequently
we
find, of all people,
"avant-garde"
churchmen
preaching
about the anachron-
istic elements
in our society. Occasionally
they point to nationalism
and
militarism
as examples,
but beyond
that, these priests
of the "devout ob-
servances"
conveniently overlook
other ceremonial activities.
This, then, is a brief survey
of cultural lag in its popular
use or misuse.
Does the term have any real meaning
or significance? If so, just exactly
what is the nature of cultural lag? What are its causes? What did
pf3
pf4
pf5
pf8
pf9
pfa

Partial preview of the text

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The

Theory

of Cultural

Lag

and the

VeblenianContribution

By

WILLIAM P. GLADE

Introduction

THE INTELLECTUALFASHION of the times has decreed that in all really

learned discussions diagnosing

the ills of modern society,

there must be the

tacit underlying assumption

that no matter what specific points

the

participants may bring up

to explain

their own particularviews,

the basic

causeof all social disturbancesand upheavalsmay

be adequately

and finally

summed up

in the term,

cultural lag (or

social lag). Furthermore, there

is another tacit assumption

that no one will be called upon

to explain

seriously

the meaning

of the term; there is, as it were, a common agreement

to keep

it nebulousand vague,

a conspiracy

in restraint of clarity.

In a like manner, virtually every

book analyzing

the weightier

issues of

the day,

whether written for the Tome-of-the-Weekclub memberor for

the more serious student, pays

at least a passing

tribute to this ubiquitous

phrase.

But rarely

is there an attempt

to explain

the concept

behind the

phrase.

In common practice

the writer will reel off a list of mal-

functioning

elementsin our society

and then attribute their causeto social

lag, letting

it go

at that. It is difficult to think of a phrase

which has

been so generally

used with such abandon.

Its popularity

is not hard to understand. There is somethingdefinitely

appealing

about the idea that there are two elements or processesmoving

along

in more-or-lessthe same directionand that all of our troublesresult

from the fact that one moves at a slower speed

than the other. The

remedy

then appearseasy-all

that remainsto be done is to apply

some sort

of whip

to the slower process!

And there are as many "whips"suggested

as thereare propagandists

and other writerson the subject.

The term has even acquired

a strong

moral flavor, and consequently

we

find, of all people,"avant-garde"

churchmen preaching

aboutthe anachron-

istic elementsin our society. Occasionallythey point

to nationalismand

militarismas examples,

but beyond that, these priests

of the "devout ob-

servances" conveniently

overlook other ceremonialactivities.

This, then, is a brief survey

of cultural lag

in its popular

use or misuse.

Does the term have any

real meaning

or significance?

If so, just exactly

what is the nature of cultural lag?

What are its causes? What did

428 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology

Veblen contribute to our understanding

of it? These are some of the

questions which will be consideredin this paper.

The Meaning

of Cultural Lag

General SociologicalMeaning

To go a step

further and removesome of the ambiguity surrounding

the

term, we shall begin by inquiring

into the usual meaning

of cultural lag

for

the purpose

of later relating

this to Veblen'sconstructionof the concept.

Generallyspeaking,

cultural lag

refers to the discrepancy

betweenthe socio-

political

structure and technological advances; to put

it another way,

it

indicatesa moreretarded development

of societal arts as compared

with the

advanced stage

of technological

arts. It is commonly

held that our tech-

nology

is developing

and growing

at such a high speed

that our social

relationships,

for one reasonor another, have not been able to keep pace

in

development.

The implication is, of course, of a teleological

nature. It

assumesthat the two ought

to be "harmonized"in some fashion and that

there is some force which causesthe two to move in the same direction or

towards the same ends, albeit at different rates of speed.

It implies

also

that social development

is similar to the technologicalprocess

in that it

contains within itself elements of dynamism.

Is this true, and if so, to

what extent? Diagrammatically

this interpretationmight appear

in this

manner:

time >

socio-politico-economic

structure, societal arts,

adaptive

or non-material

actual development lag

culture

technology, science, actual development

technological arts,

material culture

The Work of Ogburn

For perhaps the most extensive and definitivediscussion of cultural lag,

we can turn to the book, Social Change, by

W. F.

Ogburn,

whose concept

of cultural lag

will be taken as the point

of departure

for this paper.

In analyzing

the materialculture or technology (in the narrow sense),

Ogburn finds that there is a sort of inherent dynamism

in the process

of

technological development,

that materialculture is accumulative, and that

the number of different kinds of material culture objects is a factor in

The American Journal of

Economics and Sociology

sistanceto change,

and the ratherdubiousreasonthat cultural forms may

be inert because of a continuing utility.

Turning

more specifically

to the phenomenon

of cultural lag, Ogburn sets

forth the problem clearly,

"The various parts

of modern culture are not

changing

at the same rate, some parts

are changing

much more rapidly

than

others; and that since there is a correlation and interdependence

of parts,

a

rapid change

in one part

of our culture requiresreadjustments through

other changes

in the variouscorrelated parts

of culture. ... 'Whereone

part

of culture changes first, through

some discovery

or invention,

and

occasions changes

in some part

of culture dependentupon it, there fre-

quently

is a delay

in the changes

occasioned in the dependent part

of

culture" (pp. 200-1). Ogburn

illustratesthis by examplesshowing, first,

changes

in the material culture and then the lag

before corresponding

changes

in the non-materialor adaptive

culture occur. "Another point

to observeis that the changes

in the materialculture precedechanges

in the

adaptive

culture. .... It may

be true that the old adaptive

culture is

never wholly adjusted

to the new conditions" (pp. 211-2).

On this

point,

Veblen was more emphatic:

"Institutions are products of the past

process,

are adapted

to past circumstances, and are thereforenever in full

accord with the requirements

of the present."

To borrowa bit from L. L. Bernard, the structureof society

or the cul-

tural complex may

be illustrated somewhat as follows:

ins tutions

I indirector derivative adjustments, rest

institutions primarily

on societal relationships

written language

spoken language

psycho-social adjustments

gesture language

bio-social physico-social st level, direct adjustments

|I

bio physico

natural environment

On the lower social levels, thereis direct, basic adjustmentby

man to his

natural environment and technological

arts (i.e.

material culture)

are

dominant, but the higher

the structure rises, the more societal arts pre-

dominate and the greater

is the uncertainty

as to the "correctness"of the

adjustment.

The higher

levels are increasingly

derivative adjustments,

and at the top,

institutions may

be consideredas abstract adjustments

to

1 Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, p.

2 L. L. Bernard, An Introduction to Social Psychology, pp.

75-85.

Cultural Lag and Veblenian Contribution

previous

lower level adjustments,

the meaning

of which may

have been

largely

lost in the complex

of society.

It may

be said that the difficulties

of adjustment

to the environ#nent

in the upper levels leadsto cultural lag.

What are the reasonsfor or causesof this cultural lag? Ogburn

lists

and discussessix general

reasons (p.

ff):

Scarcity

of invention in the adaptive

culture-For example,

in the field

of government

there is a "marked lack of inventiveness." Pensions,

workmen's compensation,

and the like are examples

of what Ogburn

calls inventionsin the adaptive

culture.

  1. Mechanicalobstaclesto adaptivechanges-The

time it takes to propa-

gandize

new ideas and get

them adoptedby

the government.

Other

mechanicalobstaclesare habit, love of the past,

and variousutilities of

the old culture.

  1. The heterogeneity

of society-The need for change

in the adaptive

culture may

be felt by only

one class, whereasthe change

must be made

by society

as a whole. Vested interests and the resulting

class con-

flicts are important

in this consideration.

  1. The closeness of contact with material culture-The relationship

be-

tween the adaptive

culture and the materialculture is not very close,

but several steps

removed (see precedingchart).

For example,govern-

ment is fartherremovedfrom the materialculture than is the organiza-

tion of industry.

  1. The connection of the adaptive

culture with other parts

of culture-

If adaptive

culture x is relatedto another part

of adaptive

culture y

as

well as to material culture z, then if z changes

and y

does not change,

then x will be more slow to change

than would be true if it were not

correlatedwith y.

Group

valuations-"Customs become mores becauseof the strong ap-

proval

of them as a policy by

the group..

Thereis grouppressure

to enforce conformity. These emotionalvalues of group approvalap-

pear

to be forces resistingchange."

Since "social organization,customs, and moralsare the meansof a col-

lective way

of doing things,

in large part

to and with the naturalenviron-

ment and material culture... such methods of behavior would there-

fore presumablychange

if the material culture or natural environment

changed" (p. 271).

The presentrapidity

of material change means that

it is significant

as a cause of social phenomena.

To restate the elementsenvolvedin this problem,Ogburn

finds the fre-

quency

of change

in material culture due to the cumulative nature of in-

ventions and techniques. Some parts

of the non-material culture (re-

ligion)

have no such cumulative nature, while other parts (art, literature,

government)

are cumulative but to a lesser extent than the material

culture.

Cultural Lag

'nd Veblenian Contribution

cussion of the basic Veblenian dichotomy, technology

and ceremonialism,

which is unmistakablein all of his major

works and which runs like a

unifying

thread from the early essays

and reviews which preceded

The

Theory of

the LeisureClass through

even the translationof The Laxdaela

Saga. On one side,

the area of technology,

lie peaceablepursuits,

in-

dustrial activity,

the impersonal

and matter-of-fact point

of view, in-

dustrial capital

or the state of the industrial arts, the machine process,

and

workmanship;

the correspondingaspects

of ceremonialism may

be desig-

nated as predatory

or aggressivepursuits,pecuniaryactivity,

the animistic

point

of view, business capital,

investment for profit,

and exploitation.

Yet in spite

of the emphasis

this dichotomy

receives (one might

almost say

that it is the sum and substanceof Veblen's work),

the frequency

with

which it is overlookedand ignored by

even serious readersof Veblen is

incredible. All too often they

have been distracted by

his irony

and

literary style

and have thought

of Veblen as primarily

a social satirist.

But it is this recognition (by Veblen)

of the two distinctive aspects

of the

social complex

which furnishesthe explanation

of social lag.

Technology

is conceived as referring

to "the material interests of the

community, including

a social organizationadapted

to its exigencies,

rather

than to mere physicalprocess;

and the term techniciansmeans not merely

the engineers

of a factory,

but those intellectual leaders impersonally

con-

cernedwith these materialinterests.

Thus technology

includesnot

only

tools but also the "tool ways"

of the community,

tlh dynamic

cumu-

lative natureof the technologicalprocess,

the effect of the machine process

upon human behavior, particularly

those classes intimately

associatedwith

the machine process,

the views of modern science with its axiom of

cumulative causation and the impersonal

causal sequence.

Thus tech-

nology

in this broadsense includesnot only

material culture, but overlaps

into what has been variously designated

as non-material culture, societal

arts,

and adaptive

culture. Technology

is cumulative (see Ogburn

on the

cumulative nature of material culture)

and hence grows

or develops.

On the other hand, ceremonialismmust be analysed

in terms of status,

mores,habits,customs, rites, sacred beliefs, fetishes,force, power, coercion,

emotion, religion, mythology,

and superstition.

It is based on the "per-

sonal, animistic point

of view which belongs

to the pre-Darwin stage

of the

naturalsciences. Its ultimate axiomis an uncriticalnaturallaw which in-

scrutably

coerces the course of events, the efficient causes, to achieve the

legitimate end,

which is the ideal of conduct accepted by

the dominant

3 Joseph Dorfman, Thorstein Veblen and His America, p.

28 Vol. 11

434 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology

common sense. This preconception

of natural law, or legitimate end, has

taken variousforms-the Creator,

the unseen hand, overrulingprovidence,

a harmony

of interests, propensity

or tendency

in events, natural rights,

natural order, normal order,

a meliorativetrend in events,

a teleological

order,

final causes, uniformities of nature."4 In the social structure,

ceremonialismfinds expression

in the coercivenatureof received (and thus

"sacred") dogmas, traditions, and institutions. Whereas technological

patterns

are a simple

continuationof process,

ceremonial patterns

are back-

ward-looking,deriving

their authority

and sanction from the past

and at

the same time existing

to fulfill ultimate ends projected

into the future.

In ceremonialismthereis not to be found any developmentalprocess

similar

to that in technology.

What of the relationship

between these two aspects

of the totality

of

social structure? First of all, while technology

is constantly changing

cumulatively,

the function of ceremonialismis inherellly

static or change-

resistant. Ceremonialismadheresto the past

and does not respond

to

change

as does technology.

In so far as ceremonialismaffects technology,

it impingesupon it, impedes

its application,

and otherwiserestricts man's

use of technology

to increasehis material welfare. The effect of tech-

nology upon ceremonialism is, however, held to be of quite

a different

nature. There is, as it were, a process

of attenuationof ceremonialismwith

the advanceof technology.

"Veblen points

out that changes

in industrial

technology

result in a decay

of old-fashionedhabits of thought

basedon an

animisticor anthropomorphicinterpretation

of the externalworld. Tech-

nology

has a 'corrosivetouch' which destroys

habits of thought

basedon

romantic notions of the nature of the external world and on traditional

acceptance of differencesin human rank. Those who are in contact with

this changingtechnology

substitutefor the old-fashionedhabitsof thought

new mental habits which are supportedby matter-of-fact knowledge

of

the externalworld."6 This process

is describedat length

in Chapter

IX of

The Theory of

Business Enterprise.

The cultural incidence of the ma-

chine process

occursin the round-about process

of the growth

of enlighten-

ment, i.e. the impact

of knowledge acquiredthrough

the machine process

on received traditions. While John Gambs in BeyondSupply

and Demand

has severely

criticized Veblen regarding

the cultural incidence of the ma-

4 Ibid., p.

5 Definitive treatment of the nature of ceremonialism and technology

has been omitted

in order not to digress too far from the main topic

of the paper. Similarly,

extensive

quotation from Veblen has not been used. Rather, references will be made to the books

where certain ideas in this paper have been expounded by Veblen in great detail.

6 Allan Gruchy, Modern Economic Thought-The American Contribution, p.

436 The American Journal of

Economics and Sociology

or form of social organization permits change

or variation and tolerates

vestiges

of past

cultural patterns (culture lags),

the dominating

theme

remains the same (the Gestalt)."

The feudalism of Japan

and Germany

(a culture lag

from a previous Gestalt)

combined with the modern in-

dustrial regime

introduced into those nations resulted in "excessive in-

congruities"

in their Gestalts, the theme of Imperial Germany

and the

Industrial Revolution.

In both of these cases-the analyses

of Gruchy

and Gambs-the cultural

lag

is of a ceremonial character involving status, coercion, and related

features. As mentioned before,

the term "lag"

is somewhat of a misnomer,

and remnant or vestige

would perhaps

be more accurate. But at any

rate

it is evident that the key

to cultural lag

is that it is a case of ceremonial

persistence,

of intransigent

institutional behavior patterns.

Now with

this point clearly

in mind, we can return to the several questions

left

unanswered earlier. It will be seen that all of the problem

situations posed

there have in common the characteristic attributes of ceremonialism. For

example,

there is a "marked lack of inventiveness" in the field of govern-

ment because received forms of government

are particularly

tied up

with

status, power,

and coercion, and in the romantic point

of view, there is

traditionally

an intangible

"sacredness" of inherited governmental

institu-

tions whether this sacredness rests upon

divine right

or natural rights.

Similarly,

vested interests come to be vested through

ceremonial status

arrangements

and institutions which perpetuate

heirarchical structures.

The fact that some parts

of the non-material culture are of a non-cumula-

tive nature lies in their ceremonial character, while other parts

of the non-

material culture are cumulative because they are, at least in part,

of a

technological

character.

In conclusion, Veblen's contribution to the theory

of cultural lag

lies in

his keen analysis

of the basic dichotomy

of the social complex-technology

and ceremonialism-an analysis

which goes

far beyond the usual studies of

the phenomenon

of cultural lag

and deals with the underlying aspects

of

society.

And an almost equal

contribution of Veblen was his unparalleled

recognition

of the significance

of this concept

for the field of economics,

but that goes beyond the scope

of this paper.

University of

Texas

9

Ibid., p.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bernard, L. L. An Introduction to Social Psychology. Henry Holt & Co., New York,

Daugert, Stanley Matthew. The Philosophy of Thorstein Veblen. King's Crown Press,

Columbia University, New York,

Cultural Lag

and Cultural Veblenian Contribution Lag

and Veblenian Contribution 437437

Dorfman, Joseph.

Thorstein Veblen and His America. The Viking Press, New York,

Gambs, John S. Beyond Supply and Demand. Columbia University Press, New York,

Gruchy,

Allan G. Modern Economic Thought-The American Contribution. Prentice-

Hall. Inc., New York,

Veblen, Thorstein B. The Theory of

Business Enterprise.

Charles Scribner's Sons, New

York,

The Theory of the Leisure Class. The Modern Library, New York,

"Why Is Economics Not an Evolutionary Science?", The Portable Veblen.

The Viking Press, New York,

Ogburn, W. F., Social Change.

B. W. Huebsch Inc., New York, 1922.

The Blight of Bureaucracy

in State Government*

A

MAJOR

PROBLEM of government,

as well as of big business,

is to find a

way

of restoring

to competent

officialsnot only responsibility

but authority

as well. If our stateinstitutionsare to attract outstanding leadership,

New

York must regain

the crusadingspirit

that inspired

so many

of her admin-

istratorsin the past.

John

E.

Burton, former directorof the budget,

sums up

the matter in

two short sentences:

Keep the duties of administrationas much as possible in the hands of the people who

spend the money. This makes not only for efficiency,

but also for responsibility.

On May

Gov. Martin H. Glynn

called the Legislature

of the

State of New York in extraordinary

session to concentrate upon

the ques-

tion of state finances. On May

6 of that year,

HerbertF. Prescott, deputy

fiscal adviser of state charities,

made a report

to the extraordinary

session

on "Conflictof Authority

and Laws Concerning

CharitableInstitutionsof

the State." In that report

he stated in part:

The present interlocking system of department control of public institutions in the

state is expensive,confusing, and inefficient. Initiative is smotheredin a mass of red tape.

Department has been piled upon department

until the mass is top heavy

with ex-

travagance.

An army of clerks is required in state institutions to carry on correspondence with

over twenty departments,many of which would be entirely unnecessary if the system of

administrationwere put on a businessbasis.

There are today

more state departmentsassisting in running

these charitable institu-

tions than there are institutions, and their powers, duties and responsibilities are so inter-

locked that the transaction of institutional business is very slow and very expensive

(Assembly Document No. 2, May 6, 1914).

Our state government

has been completely reorganized

since

Today

we cannot possibly

have more state departmentssupervising

the

fifty-eight

institutions than there are institutionsto supervise,

becausethere

are now only

nineteen departments.

Thanks largely

to formerGov. Alfred

E. Smithand former Gov. CharlesEvans Hughes,

who headedthe executive

committee appointedby

the State Reorganization

Commissionin 1926,

the

From the 42d annual report of the board of visitors of Letchworth Village, Utica,

N. Y., State Hospitals Press, 1951, pp. 116-19.

Dorfman, Joseph.

Thorstein Veblen and His America. The Viking Press, New York,

Gambs, John S. Beyond Supply and Demand. Columbia University Press, New York,

Gruchy,

Allan G. Modern Economic Thought-The American Contribution. Prentice-

Hall. Inc., New York,

Veblen, Thorstein B. The Theory of

Business Enterprise.

Charles Scribner's Sons, New

York,

The Theory of the Leisure Class. The Modern Library, New York,

"Why Is Economics Not an Evolutionary Science?", The Portable Veblen.

The Viking Press, New York,

Ogburn, W. F., Social Change.

B. W. Huebsch Inc., New York, 1922.

The Blight of Bureaucracy

in State Government*

A

MAJOR

PROBLEM of government,

as well as of big business,

is to find a

way

of restoring

to competent

officialsnot only responsibility

but authority

as well. If our stateinstitutionsare to attract outstanding leadership,

New

York must regain

the crusadingspirit

that inspired

so many

of her admin-

istratorsin the past.

John

E.

Burton, former directorof the budget,

sums up

the matter in

two short sentences:

Keep the duties of administrationas much as possible in the hands of the people who

spend the money. This makes not only for efficiency,

but also for responsibility.

On May

Gov. Martin H. Glynn

called the Legislature

of the

State of New York in extraordinary

session to concentrate upon

the ques-

tion of state finances. On May

6 of that year,

HerbertF. Prescott, deputy

fiscal adviser of state charities,

made a report

to the extraordinary

session

on "Conflictof Authority

and Laws Concerning

CharitableInstitutionsof

the State." In that report

he stated in part:

The present interlocking system of department control of public institutions in the

state is expensive,confusing, and inefficient. Initiative is smotheredin a mass of red tape.

Department has been piled upon department

until the mass is top heavy

with ex-

travagance.

An army of clerks is required in state institutions to carry on correspondence with

over twenty departments,many of which would be entirely unnecessary if the system of

administrationwere put on a businessbasis.

There are today

more state departmentsassisting in running

these charitable institu-

tions than there are institutions, and their powers, duties and responsibilities are so inter-

locked that the transaction of institutional business is very slow and very expensive

(Assembly Document No. 2, May 6, 1914).

Our state government

has been completely reorganized

since

Today

we cannot possibly

have more state departmentssupervising

the

fifty-eight

institutions than there are institutionsto supervise,

becausethere

are now only

nineteen departments.

Thanks largely

to formerGov. Alfred

E. Smithand former Gov. CharlesEvans Hughes,

who headedthe executive

committee appointedby

the State Reorganization

Commissionin 1926,

the

From the 42d annual report of the board of visitors of Letchworth Village, Utica,

N. Y., State Hospitals Press, 1951, pp. 116-19.