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the negative inlluences, by far the most powerlul being a
strong, Ioving, "dcccnt" (as inncr-city residr:rrts pUt it) Irrl]r-
ily committed to middle-class values, the despair is perva-
sive enough to have spawned an oppositional culture, that of
"the streets," whose norms are often consciously opposed to
those oI lnainstrcan] s()cic(y. These two oricntitti()ns-dc,
cent and street-socially organize the cotnrnuDity, und thcir
coexistence has imponant consequences for residents, par-
ticularly children growing up in the inner city. Above all,
this environment means that even youngsters whose honre
lives reflect mainstream values-and the majority of homes
in the community do-must be able to handle themselves in
a street-oriented environment.
This is because the street culture has evolved what may be
called a code of the streers, which amounrs to a ser of infor-
mal rules governing interpersonal public behavior, including
violence.'I'he rulcs prcscribc both a prr)l)cr conrp(rlnrcnt atrd
a proper way to respond if chailenged. They regulate the use
of violence^ and so allow those who are inclined to aggres-
sion to precipitate violent encounters in an approved way.
The rules have been established and are enforced mainly by
the street-oriented, but on the streets the distinction between
street and decent is often irrelevant; everybody knows that if
the rules are violated, there are penalties. Knowlcdge of thc
code is thus largely delensive; it is literally necessary lbr
operating in public. Therefore, even though families with a
decency orientation are usually opposed to the values of
thc codc, thcy olicn rcluctantly cncouragc thcir clrild|cn's
familiarity with it to enable them to negotiate the inner-city
environment.
At (hc hcart o[ thc codc is the issuc ol rcspccl-l(x)scly
delined as being treated "right,"^ or granted thc delcrcncc olle
deserves. However, in the troublespme public environment
of the inner city, as people^ increasingly feel buffeted^ by
forces beyond their control, what one deserves in the way^ of
respect becomes more^ and^ more^ problematic^ and^ uncenain.
This in tum further opens the^ issue^ of^ respect to som€times
intense interpersonal^ negotiation.^ In^ the^ street^ culture,^ espe-
cially among young people, respect^ is viewed^ as^ almost^ an
external entity^ that^ is hard-won^ but^ easily^ lost,^ and^ so^ must
constantly be^ guarded.^ The^ rules^ of^ the code^ in^ fact^ provide
a lramework fot ncgotiilting^ rcsPcct,^ Thc^ Pcrs(nr whtlsc vcry
appcaruncc-including lris^ clotlrirrg,^ dcttrcitttttr, uttd^ way^ ol'
movinS--deters transgressions^ Ieels that^ he^ possesses, and
may bc consir.lererl by^ oth€rs^ to^ possess' a^ melsure^ of^ re-
spect. With^ the^ right^ amoullt^ of^ respect,^ lbr^ itrslance,^ he can
ayoid "being bothered" in public.^ lf^ he is^ bothered, not^ only
may he be^ in^ physical^ danger^ but^ he^ has been^ disgraced^ or
"dissed" (disrespected).^ Many^ of^ the^ forms that dissing^ can
take might seem:pett!^ to^ midtlle-class^ people^ (maintaining
eye contact for too^ long, for^ example), but to^ those^ invested
in tllc street c()dc. tllesc acti()ns bcc()nte serious intticutions
hl thc othcr pcrson s irrlcrlliorrs. (inrsc(lrrcntly. \uclt pc()l)lc
becorrrc vcly scrrsitivc to rdvarrccs irrrd sliglrts. wltich coulti
well serve as warrrings oI irurninent physical conlrontation.
This harrl lsalitv crn he traced to thc;tlolirtrnd sense ol'
alicratiorr li()nt l|lilitlsltcnlll socicty urrrl ils illslitUli()ns lcil
by rrruny poor irrncr-citv black peoplc. particulilrly thc
young. The code of the streets is actually a cultural adapta-
tion to a profound lack ol faith in the police and the judicial
systenr. 'l^ hc police are nlost el{en sccrr us rcprcserrtirrg llre
donrinant white society and not caring to protect inner-city
residents. When called, they may not respond, which is one
reason (^) many residents feel they must be prepared (^) to take ex-
traordinary measures to delend thenrselves and their loved
ones against those who are incljned to aggression. Lack of
policc accountahility has iir lirct bccn incorporiltcd into the
sllrlus svstcllr: lhc pclsorr wlro is bclicvcrl cu1) hlc 0l "takillg
care of hinrsell" is accorded a certail delerence. which
translates into a sense of physical and psychological control.
Thus the street code emerges where the influence of the po-
lice ends and personal responsibility tor one's salety is felt
to begin. Exacerbated by the proliferation of drugs and easy
access to guns, this volatile situation results in the ability of
thc street-r)rientcd llrinorily (or those wh() cllcctivcly "go lirr
bad") to domina(e the public spaces.
D (^) ti(:ti N'I Afll] sTItit,T
t,,t It,tris
I a,^ nuro,^ alrrrost^ every,rre^ rn^ p(,r)r^ .racr-crty^ ncrgh-
lf tr,rt,,urt*^ is^ strrrgglirrg^ lir:rreirrlly^ rrrrrl^ tlrclt.lolc^ lccls
l. I. a ecrtuut dtsliurcc tr()rtt llrc rL'sl ()l^ n 0rcrrcil. Iltc dc-
cent and the street family in a real sense represent two poles
of value orien(ation, two contrasting conceptual categories.
The labcls "decent" and "strcet." which thc rcsidents thcnr-
selves use, alDount to evaluative judgnrer)ts^ th t^ corller^ sta-
tus on local residents. The labeling is olten the result of a
social contest among individuals and^ families^ of^ the neigh-
borhood. Individuals of the two orientations often coexist in
the same^ extended^ family.^ Decent^ residents^ judge^ them-
selves t() be so while^ judging^ others to be^ of^ the^ street, and
strccl inrlividtt ls^ 0l'lctt prcscnl^ ltlcrltsclvcs^ lls^ (lccclll. (lrilw-
ilg distirctirtts hctwcctt llrctrrsclvcs^ illttl^ otltcr' l)eoPlc. llt^ ittl-
ditiorr, thcrc^ is^ quilc^ u^ bit^ ol circurnst^ lltiiil hehavior-tltat^ is,
ul," p"..u,^ nlily^ itt^ dillercrrt^ tilncs^ exltibil^ both^ dcccnt ilnd
strcct olicntatiolls,^ dcpcrldirlg^ on thc circutttstaltccs^ Al-
though these^ designutions result^ lronl^ so^ ntuch social^ jock-
eying, there do exist concrete^ features^ that detine^ each^ con-
ceptual categorY.
Ccnerally. so-eltlh:d^ decetrt^ lulllilics lclld^ l()^ ilccepl^ lltilill-
streutrr vitlues nlore^ lully^ tnd^ uttcnlpt to^ instill^ thcnl in their
BillllE (^) In[[Tt0 "ntgIT," (^) 0n GnnilT[[ (^) Iil[ (^) 0tttntN0t 0t{t Itt$].nHt$.
children. Whether married couples with children or single-
parcnt (usually fcnrale) households, they arc gcncrally
"working poor" and so rend to be berter off financially than
their street-oriented neighbors. They value hard work and
self-reliance and are willing to sacrifice for their children.
Because they have a ceftain amount of faith in mainstream
society, they harbor hopes for a better future for their chil-
dren, (^) if not for themselves. (^) Many of them go to church and
take a strong interest in their children's schooling. Rather
than dwelling on rhe real hardships and inequities facing
them, many such decent people, panicularly the increasing
number of grandmothers raising grandchildren, see their dif-
ficult situation as a test from God and derive great support
from their faith and from rhe church community.
Extremely aware of the problematic and often dangerous
environment in which they reside, decent parents tend to be
strict in their child-rearing practices, encouraging children
to respect authority and walk a straight moral line. They
have an almost obsessive concem about trouble of any kind
and remind their children to be on the lookout for people and
situations that might lead to it. At the same time, they are
themselves polite and considerate of others, and teach their
children to be the same way. At home, at work, (^) and in
church, they strive hard to maintain a positive trcntal atti-
tude and a spirit of cooperation.
So-called street parents, in contrast, otien show a lack of
consideration for other people and have a rather superficial
scnsc o[ Iamily and cornrnunity. 'l'hough thcy nray lovc thcir
children, many of them are unable to cope with the physical
and emotional demands of parenthood, and find it difficult to
reconcile their needs with^ those of their children. These fam-
ilies, who are more fully invested in the code of the streets
than the decent people are, may aggressiyely socialize their
children into it in a normative way. They believe in the code
and judge^ themselves and others according to^ its^ values.
In fact the overwhelming majority of families^ in^ the^ inner-
city community try to approximate the^ decent-family^ model,
but there are many others who^ clearly^ represent^ the^ worst
Ieurs ol'thc dcccnt lanrily. Not^ only^ arc^ thcir^ linanciul^ rc-
sources extIemely limited,^ but what^ little^ they^ have may^ eas-
ily be misused.^ The lives^ of^ the street-oriented are often
nrarkcd by disorganizatirln. ln lllc^ llxlst^ dcspcritlc circutn-
stunccs p,goplc lrequcntly^ havc^ a lirttitcd^ undcrstallding ol
priorities and consequences,^ and so^ frustrations nlount ovel
bills, food,^ and, at^ times,^ drink,^ cigarettes,^ and^ drugs'^ Some
tend toward self-destructive behavior; many^ street-oriented
women are^ crack-addicted^ ("on^ the^ pipe"),^ alcoholic, or^ in-
volved in^ complicated relationships^ with^ men^ who^ abuse
them. ln addition, the^ seeming^ intractability^ bf^ their^ situa-
tion, caused^ in^ large pan by^ the^ lack^ of^ well-paying jobs
(^) and
the persistence of^ racial discrimination'^ has engendered
deep-seated bilterness and anger in rnany of the most des-
pefate and p(x)rcst blilcks, espccially vourrg pcoplc. 1'hc
need both to exercise a measure of control and to lash out at
somebody is often rellected in the adults' relations with their
chiidren. At the least, the frustrations of persistent poveny
shorten the fuse in such people-contributing to a lack of
patience with anyone, child or adult, who irritates them.
In these (^) circumstances a woman----or (^) a man, although men
are less consistently present in children's lives----can be quite
aggressive with childrcD. yelling ar and striking rhcrn li)r rhe
least little infraction of rhe rules she has set down. Otien iit-
tle if any serious explanation follows the verbal and physical
punishment. This response teaches children a particular les-
son. They learn thar to solve any kind of interpersonal prob-
lem one must quickly reson to hitting or other violent be-
havior. Actuai peace and quiet, and also the appearance of
calm, respectful children cooveyerl to her neighbors and
friends, (^) are often what the young mother most desires, (^) but at
times she will be very aggressive in trying to get them. Thus
she may be quick to beat her children, especially if they defy
her law, not because she hates them but because this is the
way she knows to control them. ln fact, many street-oriented
women love their children dearly. Many mothers in the com-
munity subscribc to thc notion that lhcre is it "dcvil in thc
boy" that must be beaten out ol hinl or that socially "fast
girls need to be whupped." Thus much of what borders on
child abuse in the view of social authorities is acceptable
parcntll punislrrrrcrlt (^) iI lllo vicw (rl^ lhcsc Ix)tltcrs.
Many street-oriented ivomen are spora(lic mothers whose
children leam to fend for themselves when (^) necessary, forag- ing for food and money any way (^) they can ger it. The children
are sometimes employed by drug dealers or become addict-
ed themselves. These children of the street, growing up with
little supervision, are said to "come up hard." They often
learn to 6ght at an early age, sornetimes using shorGtem-
pered adults around them as role models. The street-oriented
home may be fraught with anger, verbal disputes, physical
aggression, and even mayhem.^ The chiidren^ observe^ these
goings-t.rrr. lcarrring tltc^ lcsson^ tll^ t tttigltt^ tttitkcs^ rigltt.^ 1'hcy
quickly learn to hit those who^ cross^ them, and the^ dog-eat-
dog mentality^ prevails.^ In^ order^ to^ survive.^ to^ protect^ one-
scl[, il is^ ttcccssltry^ l()^ ll)ill'shill ittttcr^ rcstxtt'ccs^ itrltl^ bc rclttiy
k) de l with^ advcrsity in^ a^ htnds-otr wiry.^ ln^ tllese^ circutu- stances physical^ prowess takes^ on^ great^ signilicance.
ln some of the most^ desperate cases.^ a street-oriented
motAer may^ simply^ leave her young^ children^ alone^ and un-
attended while^ she^ goes^ out. The most irresPonsible women
can be found^ at^ local^ bars^ and^ crack^ houses,^ getting high^ and
socializing with^ other adults. Sometimes^ a^ troubled^ woman
will leave very young^ children^ alone^ for^ days at^ a^ tinle^ Re-
ports of^ crack^ addicts abandoning^ their children^ have^ be-
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mm0-[E] rIr^ ilAn[-E0RI^ STRTET-0RtIl1rTr[,^ Tilr ctilln nt$fi (^) 0r MrtTtNG
tation of self. Its basic requirement is the display of a cenain
predisposition to violence. Accordingly, one,s b€aring must
send (^) the unmistakable if sometimes subtle message to ,.tie
next person" in public that one is capable of violence and
mayhem when the situation requires it, that one can take cale
of oneself. The nature of rhis communication is largely de-
termined by the demands of the circumstances but can in-
clude facial expressions, gait, and verbal expressions-all of
which are geared mainly to deterring aggression. physical
appearance, including clothes, jewelry, and grooming, also
plays an important part in how a person is viewed; to be re-
spected, it is importanr to have the right look.
Even so, there are no guarantees against challenges, be-
cause there are always people around looking for a fight to
increase their share of respect--or 'Juice," as it is somedmes
called on the street. Moreover, if a person is assaulted, it is
impo(ant, not only in the eyes of his opponent but also in
the eyes of his "running^ buddies," for him to avenge himself.
Otherwise he risks being "tried" (challenged) or,,moved on,'
by any number of others. To maintain h.is honor he must
show he is not someone to be "messed with" or,.dissed." In
general, the person must "keep himself straight,, by manag-
ing his position ofrespect among others; this involves in part
his self-image, which is shaped by what he thinks others are
thinking of hirn in relation to his peers.
Objects play an important and complicated role in estab-
lishing self-image. Jackets, sneakers, gold jewelry, reflect
notjust a person's taste, which tends ro bc tightly regulated
among adolescents of all social classes, but also a willing-
ness to possess things that may require detending. A boy
wearing a fashionable, expensive jacker, for example, is vul-
nerable to attack by another who covets the jacket and either
cannot afford to buy one or wants the added satisfaction of
depriving (^) someone else (^) of his. However, (^) if the boy forgoes
the desirable jacket artd wears one that isn't .,hip,',^ he runs
the risk of being teased and possibly even assaulted as an
unworthy person. To be allowed to hang with certain presti_
gious crowds, a boy must wear a different set of expensive
clothes-sneakers and athletic suit----€very day. Not to be
able to do so might make him appear socially deficient. The
youth comes to covet such items---cspecially when he sees
easy prey wearing them.
In acquiring valued things, therefore, a person shores up
his (^) identity-but (^) since it is an (^) identity based on having
things. it is highiy precarious. This very precariousness gives
a heightened sense of urgency to staying even with peers,
with whom the person is actually competing. young men
and women who are (^) able to command respect through their presentation (^) of self-by (^) allowing their possessions and their
body language to speak for them-may not have to cam-
paign for regard but may, rather, gain it by the force of their
manner. Those who are unable to command respect in this
way (^) must actively campaign (^) for it-and (^) are thus particular-
ly alive to slighrs.
One way of campaigning for status is by taking the pos-
sessions of others. ln this con(cxt. scemingly ordinary ob-
jects can bccorne trophies inrbucd with synrbolic value lhat
far exceeds their monetary worth. Possession of the trophy
TIII] I}ODY OF lIIY I]ROTIIEN OSINIS IS IN TIII itIUSTAND SII]I)
Seed from an early (^) Egyprian tomb, after water damage to the case
in lhe Historisches Museum,
sprouted in^ 1955.
Between terrible rocks the back of my brother's (^) head looked wet and (^) small and dark
I watched it through the roar.
Through tears, alraid to pray,^ I told Cod
he was swlmming. wait
He would^ lift^ his^ face.
_B (^) ROOKS HAXTON
Thal.-was tbe year.mylrother's^ foo!
slippcd on spray-wet log. He was gone into thc whitewater out of sight.
Just downstream
the back of his head
came uP in a narrow chute.
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people to think they are being rded or rested by orhers even
when this is not the case. For it is sensed that somerhing ex-
tremely yaluable^ is at sta-ke in every interaction, and people
are encouraged to rise to the occasion, particularly with
strangers. For people who are unfamiliar wirh the code_
generally people who live outside (^) the inner city-tie (^) coi-
cern with respect in the most ordinary interactions can be
frightening and incomprehensible. But for those who are in_
vested in the code, the clear object of their demeanor is to
discourage strangers from even thinking about testing their
manhood. And the sense of power that att€nds the ability to
dctcr othcrs can bc alluring even to those who know the code
without (^) being heavily (^) invested in (^) it-the decent inner-city
youths. Thus a boy who has been leading a basically decent
life can, in trying circumstances, suddenly resort to deadly
force.
Central to the issue of manhood is the widespread belief
that one of the most effective ways of gaining respect is to
manifest "nerve."^ Nerve is shown when one takes anothe.
person's possessions (the more valuable (^) the better), ..messes
with" someone's woman, throws the first punch,..gets in
someone's face," or pulls a trigger. Its proper display helps
on the spot to check others who would violate one's person
and also helps to build a reputation that works to prevent fu-
ture challenges. But since such a show of nerve is a forceful
expression of disrespect toward the person on the receiving
end, the victim may be greatly offended and seek to retaliate
with equal or greater force. A display of nerve, therefore,
can easily provoke a life-threatening response, and the back-
ground knowledge of that possibilitl has often been incor-
porated into the concept of nerve.
True nerve exposes a lack of fear of dying. Many feel that
it is acceptable to risk dying ovei the principle of respect. In
fact, among the hard-core street-oriented, the clear risk of
violent death may be preferable ro being "dissed" by anorh-
er. The youths who have internalized this atti[ude and con-
vincingly (^) display it in their public bearing are among rhe
most threatening people of all, for it is commonly assumed
that they fear no man. As the people of the community say,
"They are the baddest dudes on the street." They often lead
an existential life that may acquire meaning only when they
are faced with^ the possibility^ of imminent death. Not to be
afraid to die is by implication to have few compunctions
about taking another's life. Not to be afraid to die is the quid
pro quo of being able to take somibody else's life-for the right reasons, if the situation demands it.^ When others be-
lieve this is one's position, it gives^ one a real sense of pow-
er on the streets. Such credibility^ is what many inner-city
youths strivc to achicvc, whether they are decent or street- |
oriented, both because of its practical^ defensive value^ and
because of^ the^ positive^ n,ay^ it^ makes them feel about them-
selves. The difference^ between the deaent and the streeGori-
ented youth^ is^ often^ that the decent^ youth^ makes^ a^ conscious
decision to appear tough and^ manlyi^ in^ another^ setting-
with teachers, say, or at his pan-timejob-.-he can be polite
and deferentiai. The street-oriented youth, (^) on the other hand,
has made the concepr of manhood a pan of his very identity;
he has (^) difficulty manipulating (^) it-ir often conrrols him.
GIRTS,TNII IIOYS
f na*ro r,^c^ t-^ y,^ reenage^ girls^ rre^ mimicking^ rhe boys ! ana^ rying^ to^ trave^ their^ own^ version^ of '.manhood."^ Their I- goal is the same-to get respect, to be recognized (^) as ca-
pable of setting or maintaining a cenain standard. They try to
achieve this end in thc ways thar have bcen established by
the boys, including posturing, abusive language, and the use
of violence (^) to resolve disputes, but the issues for the girls (^) ar.e
different. Although conflicts over turf and status exist among
the girls, the majority of disputes seem rooted in assessments
of beauty (which girl in a group is "the curest,'), competition
over boyfriends, and attempts to regulate other people's
knowledge of and opinions about a girl's behavior or that of
someone close to her, especially (^) her mother.
A major cause of conflicts arnong girls is ,.he say, she say.,'
This practice begins in the early school years and continues
through high school. lt occurs when "people," particularly
girls, talk about others. rhus purring their..business in rhe
streets." Usually one girl will say something negative about
another in the group, most often behind the person's back.
The remark will then get back to the pcrson talked about. She
may remliare or her friends may leel required to ,.take^ up for',
her. In essence this is a form of group gossiping in which in-
dividuals are negatively assessed and evaluated. As with
much gossip, the things said may or may not be true, but.the
point is that suctl imputations can cast aspersions on a per-
son's good (^) name. The accused is required to defend herself against the slander, which (^) can result in arguments and fights,
often over little of real substance. Here again is the problem
of low self-esteem, which encourages youngsters to be high-
ly sensitive to slights and to be vulnerable to feeling easily
"disscd." To avengc thc dissilg, a light is usu lly ucccssary.
Because (^) boys are believed to control violence, girls tend (^) to
defer to them in situations of conflict. Often if a girl is atucked
or feels slighted, she will get a brother, uncle, or cousin to do
her fighting for her. lncreasingly, however, girls are doing
their own fighting and are even asking their male relatives ro
teach them how to fight. Some girls form groups that attack
other Eirls or take things from them. A hard-core segment of
inner-city girls inclined toward violence^ seems to be develop
ing. As one thirteen-year-old girl in a detention center for
youths who (^) have committed violent acts told nre. "To get peo- plc (^) to lcave you (^) al(rrc, you go(t light. 1'alkirrg don't always
get you out of stuff." One major difference between girls^ and
boys: girls rarely use guns.^ Their fights are therefore not life-
or-death struggles.^ Cirls^ are^ not^ often^ willing^ to^ put^ their lives
on the line^ for "rranhood."^ The^ ultirlt^ te^ ti)nn of^ respect^ on the
male-dominated inner-city^ street is thus reserved^ for^ men.
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