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Material Type: Exam; Professor: Nevarez; Class: Intro to Sociology; Subject: Sociology; University: Vassar College; Term: Spring 2001;
Typology: Exams
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Sociology 151 (Spring 2001) Prof. Nevarez May 1, 2001
A shared position of social prestige. Displayed through lifestyle and consumption patterns.
First, a rule-governed organization, classified by offices with duties. Second, offices are organized in a hierarchy, each of which has authority over the ones below it. Third, managed with written documents. The people who produce these documents are clerks. Fourth, office duties require specialized training. These can be learned and tested, and individuals can take higher positions in the bureaucracy according to rational principles of promotion. Fifth, people work for the organization, not themselves. Their authority is vested in their bureaucratic office, not their private position as a person with high/low class, status, and power. Sixth, all of these combined suggest that knowledge of the bureaucratic rules becomes a new form of expertise.
Legitimate authority stabilizes a social order better than other kinds because people willingly accept its authority and therefore constrain themselves to conform to its mandates, even when they otherwise do not want to (pg. 10). The only legitimate challenges that activists made against the WTO and the Seattle police were rational ones: that the WTO does not sufficiently gauge the world’s opinion on the greatest good for the greatest number (i.e., is not a truly formal-rational form of governance), that globalization is ecologically irrational because it is unsustainable, that the police violated constitutional rules of free speech and assembly, etc. (in class) This supports Weber’s idea that we live in an iron cage of rationalization that cannot be escaped. Specifically, rationality (in this case, of authority) can only be critiqued on the basis of more rationality (not directly in text, but e.g., pg. 84).
Sociology 151 (Spring 2001) Durkheim exam Prof. Nevarez May 1, 2001
The capitalist spirit of accumulating wealth is rational in the sense that wealth is not spent on oneself (i.e., to show status) or others (i.e., for affective or traditional reasons) but is earned and saved solely for productive investment ( TPEASOC , pg. 172). This orientation toward accumulating wealth originated first in the Lutheran calling, which compelled people to seek salvation through good works in this world, not religious dedication to the afterlife ( TPEASOC , pg. 80). Second, Calvin claimed that those elected to salvation would demonstrate their predestination through economic prosperity ( TPEASOC , pp. 114-5). However, they were not allowed to consumer their wealth for luxury or idleness and so could only save and earn more money ( TPEASOC , pg. 172). This Protestant ethic departed from traditional religious norms in that one no longer found salvation through a community (like a church) or good works to others (like the poor) but only in a direct relationship to God of rational individual labor ( TPEASOC , pp. 117-8). It took a religion like Protestantism to introduce rationality to economic behavior because only religious norms and the “irrational” concern for salvation to introduce a form of social action that was very alien and hostile to traditional authority and status-based concerns for one’s community ( TPEASOC , pp. 155, 176, 181).