Download Parole: Principles vs. Reality - Understanding the Contradiction and more Assignments Constitutional Law in PDF only on Docsity!
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology
Volume 20
Issue 3 November
Article 3
Fall 1929
Parole: Principles and Practice
Clair Wilcox
Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc
Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal
Justice Commons
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons.
Recommended Citation
Clair Wilcox, Parole: Principles and Practice, 20 Am. Inst. Crim. L. & Criminology 345 (1929-1930)
PAROLE: PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE
CLAIR WILCOX"
If one were to attempt to learn something concerning the parole
of prisoners from sources available in an American library, he could
not fail to be struck by a glaring contradiction. Parole, the text-books
on Criminology would tell him, is one of America's greatest contribu-
tions to penological science. Parole, he would learn from the popular
magazines and the sensational press, is a means by which sentimental
reformers and corrupt politicians connive to release crooks from the
punishment which they have earned. The curious thing is that both
these statements are; in a measure, true. The criminologist and the
journalist are discussing two different things. The criminologist is
talking about the principle of parole as an ideal method of releasing
prisoners. Good parole, it is true, is the best method of release that
has yet been devised. The popular journalist, on the other hand,
is talking about the present administration of parole and that adminis-
tration is, by and large, nothing to boast about. This simple distinc-
tion between the parole principle, on the one hand, and present parole
practice, on the other, is a necessary preliminary to any adequate
understanding of the question of parole.
An intelligent man who understands what parole aims to do
cannot very well oppose it in principle. The recent criticism of parole
has been due, in the main, simply to a lack of understanding. Journal-
ists, men in the street, even judges on the bench have been inclined
to place parole in the category of executive clemency. They seem to
think that its purpose is to shorten terms of imprisonment, to
hasten the hour of release. They feel that the proponents of parole
are actuated by a sentimental regard for the comfort of the criminal.
This is a mistaken view. It is not the purpose of parole to lessen
punishment, to make things easier for the offender. Parole is not
leniency. On the contrary, it is to be commended because it is at once
the most severe and the safest method by which prisoners may be
released.
We cannot hang, electrocute or imprison for life many of those
who break our laws. Most of them must be released sooner or later
lPh.D., Associate Professor of Economics at Swarthmore College; sometime Assistant Secretary to the Pennsylvania (^) State Parole Commission and Author of (^) "The Parole of Adults from State Penal Institutions."
PAROLE: PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE 347
Any system of parole should assume that the prisoner's release will be preceded by a period of careful, deliberate, directed training for free life. Such a process would require the development of in- dividualized treatment based upon differences in mental capacity, of prison schooling, of moral and religious education, of adequate physical and recreational activities and, above all, the development of a varied system of well-paid work for every prisoner which will at the same time make him pay his own way and train him for a life of future usefulness. American penal institutions today, in the main, are far from realizing this ideal. The strong and the weak, the crazy and the sane, the clean and the diseased, by and large, are treated as if everyone were like the other. The religious, educational and recrea- tional work of our prisons is too often a poor excuse for the real thing. And, finally, we find that our penal institutions are often afflicted with the worst curse of all-idleness. Even where work is provided it is often of the wrong sort, inadequate in amount and performed in a manner which falls far short of the standards of free industry. It is less than reasonable to expect any parole service to take men who have been compelled to remain for months and even years under the conditions provided in most of our prisons and make useful and law abiding citizens of them. (^) A first and fundamental step in the general improvement of the work of parole in the American states must be in the improvement of penal equipment and in the- technique of penal administration. The old and unfortunately sur- viving idea that the purpose of imprisonment is revenge must go by the boards. Imprisonment must become a process of reconstruction. And this must be done, not through any sentimental notion that it would be a nice or kind or pleasant thing to do, but because, in the long run, it is the only safe thing (^) to do. In so far as we can make our prisons self-supporting, all this can be done without increasing the burden on the taxpayer. And it can be done as soon as we are willing to apply to our prisons the same attitude and the same type of intelligence that has proven so effective in the development of our free industry. Until this change takes place no parole service can be held solely responsible for failures in the conduct of parolees; for the effectiveness of any parole administration must be conditioned by the character of the material (^) which it receives. Any adequate and effective system of parole, then, must first be preceded by institutional training for free life. A second require- ment of a good administration of parole is that prisoners shall be
CLAIR WILCOX
granted or refused release only on the basis of an exhaustive and
painstaking study of each individual case in order that those who
are not fit to be at large may be held while only those who may-re-
turn to the community with safety may be freed. By and large ex-
isting parole administrations fall far short of this ideal.
How are prisoners actually selected for parole in the American
states today? The simplest thing, of course, is to release nobody
or everybody. A few paroling authorities pursue the policy of re-
fusing all applications for parole. Such action is tantamount to a
repeal of the parole statute and imperils social security by engender-
ing ill-will among prisoners and then releasing them without super-
vision or the right of re-incarceration. Other parole boards release
everybody at the earliest possible moment. Here the parole law
becomes an automatic reduction of all sentences, a thing which is
even worse, perhaps, because it gives liberty without reference to
fitness for liberty and reduces the period during which stone and
steel guarantee society protection from those who endanger its peace.
This policy is sometimes adopted because of the inadequacy of a
state's penal equipment. Parole is used as a means of turning men
out of cells to make room for others who are crowding in from the
courts. Where legislatures refuse to appropriate adequate funds for
correctional institutions, penal officials can scarcely be criticized for
attempting to meet their problem in this rather desperate way. The
obvious remedy for the abuse here is not the revision of the parole
law but rather the provision of a more nearly adequate penal plant.
Those parole boards which do not choose to release everybody
or nobody must attempt to separate the sheep from the goats; to
liberate certain prisoners and hold others. There are certain factors
which generally influence this decision. Of these, prison conduct
is usually given greatest weight. In many places those who behave
well in prison are freed almost automatically when their time comes.
This is all very well in encouraging good discipline in prison, but it
may have very little to do with the future security of the community,
since the greatest rascal in the world may be able to walk the line
for a few brief months if he knows that such action will speed his
return to his pals and his mischief, while many a stupid youngster
who could be released with perfect safety may be held for an undue
length of time merely because he has proved troublesome to the
guards.
Another factor generally considered is the nature of the crime
for which the prisoner was committed. Some parole boards are par-
350 CLAIR WILCOX
and give another chance to a potential murderer who evidently means to do right if he can. It is easy, too, to be hard-boiled and to say nay to all pleas for mercy. But it is just as sentimental, (^) just as un- reasonable and, in the long run, just as unsafe for the community at large. The (^) second temptation is Carelessness. When boards of parole are poorly paid, ex officio, or unpaid and required to devote only a portion of their time to the work (^) of parole it is not surprising if they entrust much of their work to clerks, hurry (^) through their meet- ings and get the unpleasant business out of the way as speedily as possible. The more so, since the (^) public is not generally alert enough to know whether they have done their work well or ill. And so it happens that hasty and ill-considered decisions are made which in- volve years of servitude, human misery, human happiness and even life and death. Finally in parole work as in afty other field of public adminis- tration, there arises the temptation of Graft. (^) Sometimes it occurs that thieves land in (^) a public office rather than in a public prison. It would be unreasonable to expect the parole office to be an excep- tion to this rule. So it happens that an occasional parole (^) official is willing to sell special privileges for dollars and cents, or, perhaps, for political influence. And wherever there are men in prison there are others outside who will furnish the money for their release to anyone who is able and willing to sell it. Such a situation may readily lead to the demoralization of the entire parole service. But the remedy here, as elsewhere, is not the repeal of (^) the parole law, but rather that general (^) purification of politics which will come at such time as an aroused public (^) conscience demands it. It has been suggested that an adequate (^) parole service must be based upon (1) institutional (^) preparation for parole and (2) scientific selection. The third and final condition of an effective administra- tion is that (^) the state provide a sufficient staff of field agents to in- sure the continuous, efficient (^) and sympathetic supervision of those who are on parole. This is a condition which no state has as yet seen fit adequately to fulfill. A few states, to be sure, have a field parole service. Most states have none. This means that the control of the parolee becomes entirely a matter of correspondence. Printed rules are announced but are not enforced. Written reports are required but there is (^) nobody to check on the accuracy of the replies. The parole officer becomes a mere clerk of record. Men who are on parole find it easy to beat the game. They are not watched and they
PAROLE: PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE
know it. Parolees are seldom recommitted unless they are caught in a new crime. The whold paper system becomes a huge joke and parole comes to be nothing more than a speedy manner of emptying prison cells. This is unfortunately the case in the majority of the American states today.
Some paroling authorities have adopted a policy of releasing criminals with the understanding that they leave the state, never to return. It would be difficult to imagine a more reprehensible practice, since it but solves the problem of^ one^ community^ at^ the^ expense^ of every other. If generally adopted it would make the whole plan of protecting society through penal discipline a mere pretense. Some states do attempt to supplement their paper control of the parolee by requiring sponsors,^ employers^ or^ "first^ friends"^ to guarantee his good conduct. But these persons are generally unknown to the paroling authorities, are in no way qualified or trained for the work which they are asked to do and are not responsible to any- body for its proper performance. In the long run no such system of sponsorship can offer an adequate substitute for a real parole system because mere sponsorship cannot guarantee to the community the degree of security to which it is entitled. Other methods of^ supervision^ have^ been^ attempted.^ Sheriffs, constables, detectives and police officials have been pressed into serv- ice. These men are generally overloaded with other work,^ are^ by no means peculiarly qualified to advise and assist the prisoner in regaining his place in society, and, finally, since unpaid, are generally inclined to neglect the work or disregard it entirely. In other states parolees are required to put in a periodic appearance at an office, a perfunctory performance which assures the officer that they are on the ground but does little more. Some states lean very heavily on philanthropic, religious and welfare organizations, allowing private charity to undertake the task of parole supervision. Many of these bodies have made a very creditable showing within the limits of their means but it must be insisted that the control of convicts is a public responsibility, that must eventually be shouldered by the state itself and should by no means be left to the voluntary efforts of any private group. Only a few of the states employ field parole agents. Where such provision is made, the^ positions^ are often^ filled^ by^ men^ who^ are^ not adequately qualified for the task. Little, if any, training is provided or required. The parole officers are almost always underpaid and they are invariably overloaded with work. Many officers are being
PAROLE: PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE 353
tration still has far to go if it is to develop the technique of an adequate parole service. Those who believe in the principle of parole must look to the future for this development. Methods of parole selection can cer- tainly be improved. A full time, highly paid central board, composed, not of politicians, but of experts, should be able to judge the individual applicant with much more skill than that generally exercised by pres- ent paroling authorities. It is not too much to hope for the develop- ment of an expert paroling technique. It might even be possible for such a board to establish tests which would serve as a real criterion of reformation. If adequate staffs of investigators and examiners were employed, there is much in the way of previously neglected but pertinent information which might be obtained and used for this pur- pose. Obviously parole boards should inform themselves concerning, the applicant's mental condition in order that the unbalanced prisoner should be held and only those who are sane and responsible be given their freedom. In the same way the board should aim to procure the completest possible information on the offender's background, his crime, his previous record and the nature of the environment into which he will go upon release, all matters closely related to the proba- bility of success or failure on parole. It should also consider the prisoner's accomplishment in the courses of educational, moral and vocational training provided within the institution. By the prepara- tion and careful use of complete statistics it should attempt to dis- cover exactly how significant these and many other items may be in determining whether a prisoner should or should not be released. There is nothing fancy or new fangled about the idea that science should be^ made^ to^ assist^ in the^ difficult^ task^ of^ judging^ men.^ This is a thing which has already been done in business. It is just as im- portant that it should be introduced into penal administration; for here we are dealing with decisions that involve human happiness and misery and even human lives. It is certain that the technique of parole selection must be made to approach the accuracy and imparti- ality of science before our penal administration can command a suf- ficient degree of public confidence to permit the adoption of a really indeterminate sentence. It is to be hoped that the future may also see an improvement in the equipment for parole supervision. There should be mare parole officers. Each officer should be responsible for^ a^ smaller^ number^ of parolees. These officers should be selected from among those who are qualified by knowledge and experience for the work. They should
CLAIR WILCOX
be men who know their community and its resources, men who can handle men, (^) men who possess the ability to develop the technique of social case treatment. They should be specifically trained by the state for their work, work which requires a knowledge and a skill which passes beyond (^) both the strength and courage of the policeman and the sympathy (^) of the sentimentalist. They should be given tenure on good behavior, be well paid and rewarded for proficient service. With- out such provision (^) the parole law remains little more than an empty expression of pious intent upon the pages (^) of the statute book. With it we may hope to procure a parole service which (^) can turn criminals into honest (^) men with whom the rest of us may safely live and do business. All of this will cost money, it is true. It is (^) probable that we will eventually be spending thousands for the parole service where (^) we now spend (^) hundreds. But it will be money well spent. Proper parole in the long run should pay (^) for itself -by reducing the prison popula- tion, by cutting (^) the cost of new arrests and further prosecutions and by curtailing the expenditure (^) for detectives and police. Parole is properly to be regarded as a method of protecting the citizen against crime, much as insurance protects him from the losses due to (^) fire and other calamities. Prudent men are not (^) deterred from the use of fire insurance by the cost of the premiums. No (^) more should the state allow the cost of (^) developing a system of parole to prevent it from availing itself of this most effective means of insuring (^) the lives and the property of its citizens.
