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Introduction
Sensesof PlaceintheFaceof Global
Challenges
ChristopherM. Raymond,DanielR.Williams,AndresDiMasso,
LynneC. ManzoandTimovanWirth
It is now well established that humans are the most powerful influence on the environment. The scale, pace and intensity of human activity is fundamentally altering earth's climate system (IPCC, 2014) and driving global biodiversity and ecosystem decline (IPBES, 2019). Simultaneously, new forms and patterns of mobility are emerging and accelerating in a world driven by globalised market forces, new tech- nologies, media transformations and related cultural trends oflate modernity (Stokols, 2018; Boccagni, 2017; Cresswell, 1996). Indeed, during the final stages of preparing this volume we are experiencing a global pandemic of COVID-19 that is reshaping society - from the way we travel to how we relate to one another (see the Preface). While many of the global challenges addressed in this volume are not new, they are accelerating to such a degree that they are challenging our sense of 'ontological security' in the world, a concept that has been useful in international relations research, and most recently climate change research, to articulate relationships between identity and security (Farbotko, 2019; Kinnvall, 2004). Our expectations for the stability and continuity of our habitats and lifestyles are increasingly being challenged. Management and governance systems, designed for twentieth-century problem- solving, are no longer up to the task of addressing the coalescence of multiple global challenges and their synergistic effects on everyday life (Elmqvist et al., 2019; Biermann et al., 2012). Individuals and groups must face the challenges of environ- mental change, migration, technological transformations, energy transitions and chan- ging nationalist agendas, among other global forces, concurrently within their life worlds. This book addresses the vital question of how to navigate the contested forces of stability and change in a world influenced by multiple interconnected global chal- lenges. We propose that senses of place is a pertinent concept for supporting individ- uals' navigation of these contested forces. The book is a timely addition to recent compilations advancing theories, methods and applications of place and place attach- ment (Manzo and Devine-Wright, 2021) in that it strives to deal with the multiplicity of global challenges and justify how and why they force us to consider plural, dynamic and rapidly changing forms ofsense(s) of place. We encourage scholars to rethink how to theorise and conceptualise changes in senses of place in the face of global
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challenges that are rapidly moving ecosystem thresholds and altering the social fabric of global societies. We make the case that our concepts of sense of place need to change, or to be conceptually revisited, given that our experiences of place are changing. People-place bonds are increasingly configured within a dense and chan- ging web ofrelations: between self and others; between the 'inside' and 'outside' of a given locale; between the past and present of a place; between the material (e.g. the body, architecture, objects) and the immaterial (e.g. discourse, affect, memories); among the cultural meanings, economic dynamics and biographical experiences of a given environment; between institutional regulations and the quotidian needs and desires of heterogeneous populations; between capacities for collective agency and political structures. In this introduction, we provide a short historical context for the varying and evolving understandings of sense of place, emphasising a shift from its essentialist origins to more progressive and plural understandings. We then make the case for resignifying existing sense of place constructs to account for interfaces between changing senses and changing places. After presenting the ontological and conceptual bases of senses of place, we present the core contributions and insights from the book. In the conclusion to this volume, we reflect on the scholarly contributions in each section of the book and critically discuss 'how we navigate' multiple and changing senses of place in the face of global challenges. We consider different governance and planning options for navigating plurality and change in the twenty-first century, identify crucial research gaps and recommend important future research directions for place scholarship.
Senseof Placein HistoricalContext
The term 'sense of place' was first popularised m the 1970s, in large part as a reaction against high modernist thinking and the attendant hubris that humans could exert masterful control over the world and human affairs through science, technology and instrumental thinking (Williams and Miller, 2021). This critique arose as part of a 'humanistic' subfield of geography (Tuan, 1974) where sense of place was presented as a corrective to the dominance of quantitative 'spatial science' in geography, which critics argued diminished the concept of place to mere technical or locational considerations and emptied places of essential meaning, affect and identity (Cresswell, 2013). Instead, drawing on the philosophical approaches of phenomenology - which seeks to uncover the essence of things - sense of place offered a way of asserting the essential nature of place as a source of stable people- place bonds, meanings and identities in the face of the mid-twentieth-century transformations of modernisation, urbanisation and commercialisation (Relph, 1976). The highlighting of places' authentic and essential qualities responded to a presumed human need to have roots in stable and coherent places, and to give moorings to our identities. Likewise, sense of place attracted particular attention within architecture, planning and related fields as a way to reveal the authentic
Why Senses of Place?
As an underlying premise of this book, the global challenges and transformations that once animated early geographers have since greatly accelerated, intensified and expanded in scope and scale to become truly global challenges (Steffen et al., 2015). This dynamism has made the more relational, fluid and plural conception of senses of place ever more salient for addressing these contemporary challenges. Various sense of place concepts are now deployed across ever wider spheres of scholarship as concep- tual tools for grappling with rapid and large-scale social and environmental change (e.g. Schlosberg et al., 2020; Quinn et al., 2018; Stewart et al., 2013). By 'pluralist conception', we mean an epistemic attitude that is sensitive to the multiple knowledge-production strategies and conceptualisations that try to account for how senses of place are forged nowadays, and which acknowledges the varied and rapidly changing panorama of place experiences featured in today's globalised (glo- bally sensed) world. Taking up a pluralist conception in this book is especially fitting because rapid changes to social and environmental conditions disrupt and/or reshape people's bonds to various places, provoking place-related conflicts and place- protective behaviours, and highlighting the politics of place. Pluralising sense of place offers scholars a powerful lens for translating these large and complex global challenges into multiple consequences relevant to local communities. It does this by helping to ground the interactions between societies, nature and technologies at a place-based, localised scale where the interdependencies of aspects of systems can be made traceable. In addition, recognising multiple senses of place offers a way to integrate the interacting material transformations of the 'great acceleration' (Steffen et al., 2015) with the changing and competing senses of belonging and identity that contribute to culture, society and a sense of well-being. For example, in regard to ecological regime shifts, we see how coral reef collapse in the Great Barrier Reef off Australia has heralded substantial changes in senses of place (Gurney et al., Chapter 1), and how the disappearing urban lakes ofBengaluru, India, are transforming senses of place as well as the stewardship of places (Murphy et al., Chapter 4). Also, pluralising sense of place reminds us that what we are considering is much more variable, contested and fluid than is often recognised. By proposing a plural sense of place, we do not seek to replace earlier conceptions - the need among many for secure moorings - but it does cause us to rethink how we can accommodate those needs within more spatially complex ways of living in the world. As the world chums, anchoring ourselves and feeling secure becomes ever more problematic, because we are living in a time when various forces can contest or undermine our established
relationships to places. The question before us is whether and how contemporary life
empowers us to create new connections, and to think anew about dynamic and unfolding connections and ways of being emplaced. The ways we accomplish this are becoming more diverse, contested and context-dependent. Thus, one of the chal- lenges of a volume such as this is navigating the differences in the meaning and use of the concept. In service of that goal, we want both to emphasise the underlying
complexity of sense of place and to direct the reader to some of the key characteristics of the concept and how they pertain to the present volume - particularly, with regard to our choice to refer to senses of place.
ChangingSensesandChangingPlaces
In this volume, we consider change in regard to both senses of place and places themselves. When considering senses, we mean the myriad ways in which people understand, interpret and interface with the world, which involve multiple sensibilities, physical senses and embodied identities. Changing places refers to the new patterns of socio-spatial relations and experiences of 'placeness' that surface or are resignified, rescaled or revalued. Accelerating global challenges change and reshape existing configurations of people-place relations, which gain in richness, complexity, intercon- nectedness and, above all, plurality and dynamism (Di Masso et al., 2019). We present several global challenges that signify substantial place change, from climate change and ecological regime shifts, to human migration and mobility, technological trans- formations, urban change and nationalist and territorial claims. For example, Lewicka and Dobosh (Chapter 13) propose a third way of understanding place bonds as 'place continuity', a concept that articulates place continuity and change, and recognises places as having a 'multi-layered history'. This new concept of narrative continuity is juxtaposed to the essentialist tradition, which assumes that one's traits remain the same despite the passage of time. Also focusing on the role of temporality in pluralising place experiences, Murphy and Williams (Chapter 2) show how climate change adaptation must transcend the usual limitations of a static, place-focused approach, to examine instead the plurality of and disjuncture between different chronological dimensions (past-present-future, rhythm, speed) that articulate climate change adap- tation as a temporal reaccommodation of sense of place. In this volume, we do not suppose a singular character of any place; nor do we wish to be nostalgic or romantic about an unchanging past in our treatment of change. Indeed, we are witnessing the dire consequences of responding to the perceived threats that change presumably heralds with 'defensive and reactionary responses' such as antagonism to immigrants and newcomers (Massey, I 99 I, p. 24). In Part II on migra- tion, mobility and belonging, we see changing senses of place emerge in urban China through rural-to-urban migrants' different senses of belonging to the host city (Huang, Chapter 9); in Part V on urban change, we see how processes of gentrification in Barcelona are transforming people's subjective understandings of place change (Di Masso et al., Chapter 17), and how unhoused people living on the streets in Chile are altering senses of place through public space appropriation (Farias and Diniz, Chapter 18). In this array of cases, we see 'more progressive and outward-looking' senses of place emerge than in previous considerations of responses to place change, which were more 'self-closing or defensive' (Massey, 1991, p. 24). To demonstrate how people-place bonds dynamically change over time, Raymond et al. (2017a) propose that people-place bonds can be conceived as a dynamic web of
Sensesof PlaceOperateas BoundaryObjects
Sense of place has been applied in various cross-disciplinary discourses, spanning research on socio-ecological systems (Masterson et al., 2017), sustainability transi- tions studies (Frantzeskaki et al., 2018) and biodiversity conservation (Hausmann et al., 2016). It has many of the hallmarks of a boundary object (MacGillivray and Franklin, 2015) in that it offers the necessary ambiguity of being simultaneously concrete and abstract, allowing different interpretations of purpose and value, in order to be useful to scholars from different epistemic communities (or disciplines) (Star and Griesemer, 1989). Boundary objects allow interpretive flexibility while retaining a common theme, can take abstract forms such as shared concepts among different epistemic communities (or disciplines) and can materialise as artefacts. Senses of place, then, act as catalysts that facilitate the collection and coordination of knowledge, which is subsequently distributed in different knowledge communities (Trompette and Vinck, 2009). Boundary objects have been described as 'playing a pivotal role in initiating and facilitating change as they are considered to be an important means of transforming knowledge and changing practice across specialist knowledge domains' (Oswick and Robertson, 2009, p. 179). Sense of place is embedded in particular social contexts - that is, it is located at the nexus of very specific power relations (Star, 2010) - and it has an important role in mediating different visions of sustainability (Chapin and Knapp, 2015). We contend that the pluralisation of sense to senses of place magnifies the importance of place as a boundary object, in terms of dealing with not only place contestations but also different temporal and geographical scales of people-place relations. Murphy and Williams (Chapter 2) propose that different boundaries and ontological understandings of place as time can lead to various frictions in plural settings, yet beneficially, these time-space boundaries can illuminate plural visions for desired futures in response to climate change. In regard to rapid tourism expansion in the Faroe Islands, Raymond et al. (Chapter 6) make the case for the pluralisation of sense to senses of place by exploring the tensions and dynamic connections between the place narratives of Farnese residents and boundary-spanning organisations (also known as 'brokers') such as Visit Faroe Islands. Drawing on the narratives ofresidents and those presented in the Faroe Islands' Tourism Strategy 2018-2025, the authors find that multiple sets of senses of place emerge from narratives that represent different (sometimes in-between) standpoints on tourism growth and development, and from attempts by brokers and other powerful actors to filter and sort dominant meanings.
Sensesof PlaceReflectMultipleLayersof PlaceContestation
Previous work has demonstrated that people experience different place interpretations, leading to places being sources of contest, struggle or stigma (e.g. Di Masso and Dixon, 2015; Manzo, 2014). Global challenges may multiply and intensify disputes
between different place interpretations, mobilising a plurality of altered place mean- ings and values through which people make sense of their environments and their physical transformations. For example, some chapters in this volume highlight how urbanisation, gentrification and commodification pressures lead to multiple, some- times coexisting, and at other times competing or contested place meanings that need to be continually formulated and negotiated among groups of people (Manzo and Desanto, Chapter 16; Di Masso et al., Chapter 17). Manzo and Desanto argue that competing discourses regarding urban development and the ethos of the city can cause a falsely homogenised sense of place, and can underrepresent the senses of place of marginalised voices in society. Di Masso et al. show how gentrification, among other capitalist processes in Barcelona, can reconfigure senses of place to support place- based profitable value. In these chapters, senses of place are channelled and forged through the capital-driven promotion of 'seductive urban atmospheres' -that is, urban landscapes aesthetically and semiotically designed to simulate authentic experiences of place that become objects of symbolic consumption. Gentrification can lead to conflicted senses of place within the individual, represented through 'subjective knots' such as ambivalence, hesitation, dilemmatic talk, contradiction and discursive col- lapse. Similarly, Farias and Diniz (Chapter 18) suggest that urban change and the commodification of urban space in Brazil leads to contradictory place meanings whereby streets are perceived as either 'humanising' or 'alienating'. Such contradict- ory meanings oflife on the streets are mediated by class structure, among other social and racial inequalities. Message framing can also raise contestations between senses of place. Stedman and Nilson's (Chapter I 0) study of energy transitions in a rural area shows that techno- logical innovations, economic impacts and aesthetic criteria may function as opposing meaning-making frames, raising political tensions within a community awaiting environmental change. Relatedly, senses of place often become rearticulated and resignified as they are 'nested' in places at varying scales, such that people's ways of inhabiting a locale are strongly dependent on their relationship to broader areas, countries or global regions. Devine-Wright and Wiersma (Chapter 11) explicitly problematise the traditional focus of sense of place research on an a-priori scale of place when assessing the importance of place for people in communities that are shifting to renewable energy. According to these authors, senses of place are today more plural because places might be felt and thought of in the frame of a broader area, compared with external spaces or vis-a-vis smaller-scale places. Multiple chapters in this book cover controversial elements of sense of place with respect to nationalist conflicts, social injustice, political violence, racial tensions and the commodification of urban space. Lewicka and Dobosh (Chapter 13) foreground how different ways of constructing the history of a place lead to more or less ethnocentric representations of that place, as well as to different place identifications and attachments. Bleibleh (Chapter 14) reveals how senses of place emerge through emotionally ambivalent bonds with place by Palestinians under siege, and the import- ance of including the political aspects of power relations in the physical and social construction of senses of place. Katju and Kyle (Chapter 15) demonstrate through
framework enables a plurality of senses of place to emerge spontaneously from the bottom up, as opposed to their being categorised or universalised.
Sensesof PlaceHelpUsto UnderstandtheAssemblagesBetweenSocial,
EcologicalandTechnologicalSystems,IncludingIndividual,Socialand
InstitutionalProcesses
Globally, scholars have been drawing upon the socio-ecological systems perspective, mainstreamed through concepts such as resilience, planetary boundaries and social values for ecosystem services (Raymond et al., 2014; Rockstrom et al., 2009; Folke, 2006), as a way to respond to global challenges such as climate change, flooding and biodiversity loss. Sense of place has provided a means of exploring the subjectivity of socio-ecological systems, particularly the role of multiple place meanings in building resilience and transformative capacity (Masterson et al., 2019, 2017; Stedman, 2016). Chapters in this volume draw upon the socio-ecological systems perspective in various ways. Increasingly, there is recognition that social and ecological systems are dynam- ically coupled with technological systems (McPhearson, 2020; McPhearson et al., 2016). With respect to technologically mediated futures, three main couplings are in need of critical examination: (1) social-ecological couplings, which refer to the linkages between access to and experience and management of urban green areas and technologies; (2) technological-social couplings, referring to the economic oppor- tunities and constraints associated with urban sustainability solutions and issues of inclusivity, empowerment, social justice and cohesion, including safety and security related to multiple groups that use and manage smart or green solutions; and (3) ecological-technological couplings, referring to the different ways in which technolo- gies can strengthen feedback between nature and people. Berroeta et al. (Chapter 3) draw on assemblage theory to demonstrate how senses of place are generated within a complex and dynamic network of influences and recipro- cal variations between subjective, social and spatial (including technological) aspects. Based on a material-semiotic approach, they reveal a 'variable and unstable constella- tion' of subjective, social, spatial, technological and political elements of place among victims recovering from a natural disaster in Chile. After a disaster, victims' senses of place become reconstructed through interactions between historical and personal aspects (the relationship that individuals establish with space) and collective processes (government policies, or the overall modification of the surroundings and neighbour- hood). Olafsson et al. (Chapter 21) argue that senses of place emerge from dynamic couplings between society, ecology and technology. This plurality is essential to deal with the multiple ways in which social media engage people with place. Devine- Wright and Wiersma (Chapter 11) explore the concept of 'place-technology fit', implying that the acceptability of certain technologies is dependent on how they are interpreted symbolically. They show how auto-photography can be used as a visual method to explore the heterogeneous, multiscaled and constructed nature of place. Von Wirth and Frantzeskaki (Chapter 23) reflect upon the role of urban experimentation in
the co-generation of senses of place for a case in the city of Rotterdam, the Netherlands. They find that new senses of place tend to be an outcome of discourses about the qualities of iconic buildings, as well as the outcome of social interactions, practices and constructions evolving in-between actors. Active urban experimentation provides a crucial arena for understanding the interactions among people, urban environments and technologies on a localised scale, and opens up possibilities for negotiating shared visions for transformations towards urban sustainability.
SensesandPlacesEmergefromandAreChangedbyDifferentTemporal
Dynamics
One of the core arguments of this book is that place scholars need to be open to new and sometimes unfolding senses of place that emerge in response to global challenges. A deeper consideration of the plurality of senses of place demands a consideration of the temporal dynamics of place. Previous works highlight that sense of place can change in response to the physical qualities of place (Marshall et al., 2019), and that diverse temporalities might challenge the utility of place as a platform for collaborative adaptation (Devine-Wright, 2013; Lyon and Parkins, 2013). However, this book reveals that there are different temporal layers to place, resulting in different responses to environmental change. Drawing on a longitudinal study, Gurney et al. (Chapter 1) show how people develop heightened senses of environments that become threatened by rapid environmental change. The perceived impacts of coral reef decline along the Great Barrier Reef between 2013 and 2017 heightened senses of pride, identity, attachment and biodiversity, while more tangible senses such as lifestyle, aesthetics and scientific value decreased. Murphy and Williams (Chapter 2) find that residents adopt different visions for and positions on climate change adaptation depending on their ontological understanding of time-space dynamics, which in turn challenges a singular, monistic notion of 'sense'. The temporalities identified by these residents were: working in place, where inhabitants interpreted the consequences of climate change through their work; sense of historical trajectory, where inhabitants interpreted consequences through narratives of the 'golden past'; and temporalities in the fundamentals of nature, where inhabitants narrated impacts through different ontological understand- ings of the nature of time. Similarly, Murphy et al. (Chapter 4) report that senses of place are informed by both historical dynamics and present socio-ecological realities. Given that communities can have 'collective memory', old and new meanings of places can be held simultaneously. Stewart and Evans (Chapter 5) develop a framework for place-making, showing tensions between stability and change in ways that facilitate adaptation to shifting ecological regimes. One pole is anchored in global and national issues, such as climate change; a second axis is related to multiscalar structural conditions; and a third is related to the creation and maintenance of shared social values. An alternative important axis identified by Bailey (Chapter 12) concerns how senses of place evolve temporally across an entire life course.
experiences. In this volume, we endorse the conceptual plurality and epistemic diver- sity of senses of place wherein senses of place research can support the practice of post- normal science and the democratisation of knowledges grounded in epistemic plural- ism (building on Williams, 2018, 2014). It is our contention that producing knowledge about sense of place demands a dynamic approach that equates clarification, compre- hension and explanatory potential with epistemological divergences, theoretical dia- logue and conceptual contestation (Mitchell, 2009; Miller et al., 2008) - that is, an approach grounded in a plural conception of senses of place as constantly in flux. Pluralising and changing senses of place is part of an attempt to accommodate within one realm of discussion the multiple and shifting experiences of sensing place that feature in today's globalised world. As decolonial thinkers point out (Escobar, 2018; Mignolo and Walsh, 2018), a 'pluriversal' (as opposed to 'universal') approach to human knowledge must be necessarily grounded in the acknowledgement of the strictly situated and local nature of human experiences, processes and epistemologies. Plural knowledge about senses of place must mirror plural realities of sensing and making sense of place. Throughout the book, the relational, dynamic and networked character of senses of place is discussed from different epistemological angles. Some scholars emphasise the discursively constructed and (re)narrated character of senses of place, which translates into particular spatio-temporal configurations. Manzo and Desanto (Chapter 16) refer to a constellation of place interpretations, meanings and values being continually formulated and negotiated, and they offer a pluralistic and discursive perspective on power and place, drawing upon work by Di Masso et al. (2014) and Williams and Stewart (1998). Di Masso and colleagues (Chapter 17) frame senses of place as place- based, experiential assemblages (Di Masso and Dixon, 2015) that are regularly reconfigured and narrated. Relph (Chapter 19) emphasises a particular sensuous plurality to understand senses of place as 'a synaesthetic faculty that unifies the various experiences of places registered by sight, hearing, smell, movement, touch, memory, imagination, purpose and anticipation'. Chapters by Hertzog (Chapter 7) and von Wirth and Frantzeskaki (Chapter 23) also put more emphasis on relational and networked aspects. While Hertzog refers to senses of place as articulated moments in networks of social relations that may occur on different scales from the place itself, von Wirth and Frantzeskaki conceive place as a relational process involving stability and change, building on three constitutive dimensions: mean- ings and narratives of place; person-place practices and experiences; and new relations between people and place, and between people in the place. Affective and embodied aspects come into play as well when we try to frame senses of place. Hence, Olafsson et al. (Chapter 21) understand senses of place as comprising embodied place encounters together with affective and cognitive factors connected to place. Such affective and cognitive articulations may manifest in different ways of constructing place representa- tions. Lewicka and Dobosh (Chapter 13) argue for a conceptual lens that articulates place continuity and change grounded in the assumption that places have multi-layered histories. In line with our argument for pluralisation and the attempt to accept multiple, competing and coexisting understandings of senses of place, Bleibleh (Chapter 14) refers to
contrasting feelings of home that combine security and threat, renewal and nostalgia. Following arguments by Hay (1998), senses of place emerge through rootedness in place and processes of self-continuity, while at the same time being a socially constructed 'quasi state of mind'. In summary, the chapters in this book present a diversity of approaches to concep- tualising senses of place in the face of global challenges. In our conclusion, we will tum to the question 'how do we navigate the diversity of senses of place from the perspective of the researcher and the researched?' We will consider the navigational capacities necessary for governing the new or increasing speed or severity of global challenges, and we will provide recommendations for future research on senses of place to account for identified knowledge gaps.
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